During OSWALD'S period of intense activity on behalf of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, OSWALD lectured at the Jesuit House of Studies in Mobile, Alabama on July 27, 1963, at the request of his cousin, Eugene Murret, who was studying there. From 1969 to 1971 Eugene Murret was Executive Counsel to Louisiana Governor McKeithen. By 1977 he was Chief Administrator of the Louisiana Judicial System. [WR p728; tel. con. with E. Murret 1.77] He was contacted in 1993 but declined comment. OSWALD's speech:

"The Commumist Party of the United States has betrayed itself! It has turned itself into the traditional lever of a foreign power to overthrow the Government of the United States; not in the name of freedom of high ideals, but in the servile conformity to the wishes of the Soviet Union and in anticipation of Soviet Russia's complete domination of the American Continent."

"The Forster's and the Flynn's of the subsidized communist party of the United States have shown themselves to be willing, gullible messengers of the Kremlin's International-List Propaganda.

"There can be no international solidarity with the arch-betrayers of that most sublime ideal.

"There can be no sympathy for those who have turned the idea of communism into a vill curse for western man.

"The Soviets have committed crimes unsurpassed by their early day capitalist counterparts. The imprisonment of their own peoples, with the mass extermination so typical of Stalin

"The individual suppression and regimentation under Khrushchev.

"The deportations, the purposefull curtailment of diet in the consumer slighted population of russia, the murder of history, the prostitution of art and culture.

"The communist movement in the U.S., personalized by the Communist Party U.S.A. has turned itself into a 'valuble gold coin' of the Kremlin. It has failed to denounce any actions of the Soviet Government when similar actions on the part of the U.S. Government bring pious protest.

Denounced Not Denounced

United States Russia

Atom. Bomb Test Atom Bomb Test

Cuba Hungry

NATO Manuvers Warsaw Pact Manuvers

U-2 Sobel

Congo Eastern Germany

Negro Lynching Genocide

"Through the refusal of the Communist Party U.S.A. to give a clear cut condemnation of Soviet piratical acts, progressives have been weakened into a stale class of fifth columnist of the Russians.

"In order to free the hesitating and justifiably uncertain future activist for the work ahead we must remove that obstacle which has so efficently retarded him, namely the devotion of Communist Party, U.S.A. to the Soviet Union, Soviet Government, and Soviet Communist International Movement.

"It is readily foreseeable that a coming economic, political and military crisis, internal or external, will bring about the final destrution of the Capitalist system, assuming this, we can see how preparation in a special party could safeguard an independent course of action after the debacle, an American course steadfastly opposed to intervention by outside, relatively stable foreign powers, no matter from where they come, but in particular, and if necessary, violently opposed to Soviet intervention.

"No Party of this type can attract into its ranks more than a nominal number of Fundemental radicals.

"It is not the nature of such an organization to attract such a membership, as lets say, the Republicans or even the Socialist Party, but it is possible to enlist the aid of disenchanted members of the Socialist Party and even some from more "respected" (from a capitalist viewpoint) parties.

"But whereas our political enemies talk loudly now, they have no concept of what total crisis means.

"The faction which has the greater basis in spirit and the most far-sighted and ready membership of the radical futurist, will be the decisive factor.

"We have no interest in violently opposing the United States Government, why should we manifest opposition when there are far greater forces at work, to bring about the fall of the United States Government, than we could ever possibly muster.

"We do not have any interest in directly assuming the head of government in the event of such an all-finishing crisis. As dissentent Americans we are merely interested in opposing foreign intervention which is a easily drawn conclusion if one believes in the theory of crisis.

"The emplacement of a separate, democratic pure Communist sociaty is our goal, but one with Union-communes, democratic socializing of production and without regard to the apart of Marxist Communism by other powers.

"The right of the private personal property, religious tolerance and Freedom of Travel (which have all been violated under Russian "Communist" rule) must be strictly observed.

"Resoufuyllniss and patient working towards the aforesaid goal's are preferred rather than loud and useless manifestations of protest. Silent observance of our priciples is of primary importance.

"But these preferred tactics now, may prove to be too limited in the near future, they should not be confussed with slowness, indesision or fear, only the intellectually fearless could even be remotely attracted too our doctrine and yet this doctrine requires the utmost restraint, a state of being in itself majustic in power.

"This is stoicism and yet stoicism has not been effected for many years, and never for such a purpose.

"There are organization already formed in the United States who have declared they shall become effective only after the military debacle of the United States. Organizations such as Minutemen or the opposite of a stoical organization but these performers are simply preparing to redefend in their own back yards a system which they take for granted will be defeated militarily elsewhere, a strange thing to hear from "Patriots."

"These armed groups represent the hard core of American capitalist supporters. There will also be a small armed Communist and probably Fascist groups. There will also be anarchist and religious groups at work.

"However, the bulk of the population will not adhere to any of these groups because they will not be inclined to join any of the old factions with which we are all so familiar.

"But the people will never except a new order presented by presented by politicians or opportunist. Logically they will deem it necessary to oppose those system of government against whom they have been educated, but they will be against anything resembling their former Capitalist master also.

"Steadfastly opposed to the reviveal of the old forces, the will seek a new fore. This will be the sentiment of the masses.

"But any organization clearly manipulating words may sway the masses.

"This is where a safeguard is necessary. And not only a safe guard but a safetly valve, to shut off opportunist forces from within, and foreign powers from without. There can be no subsitute for organization and procurement work towards the aforestated ideals and goals. Work is the key to the future door, but failure to apply that key because of possible armed opposition in our hypothetical, but very probable crisis, is as useless as trying to use force now to knock down the door.

"Armed defense of our ideals must be accepted doctrine after the crisis just as refraining from any demonstration of force must be our doctrine in the meantime.

"No man, having known, having lived, under the Russian Communist and American Capitalist system, could possibly make a choice between them, there is no choice. One offers oppression, the other poverty. Both offer imperialistic injustice, tinted with two brands of slavery.

"But no rational man can take the attitude of "a curse on both your houses". There are two world systems, one twisted beyond recognition by its misuse, the other decadent and dying in tis final evolution.

"A truely democratic system would combine the better qualities of the two upon an American Foundation opposed to both world systems as they are now. This than is our ideal.

"Membership in this organization implies adherence to the principle of simple distribution of information about this movement to others and acceptance of the idea of stoical readiness in regards to practical measures once instituted in the crisis.

"In another version of this speech OSWALD stated: "a symbol of the American way, our liberal concisons, is the existence in our midst of a minority group whose influence and membership is very limited and whose dangerous tendencies are sufficently controlled by special government agencies. The Communist Party, U.S.A., bears little resemblance to their Russian counterparts, but by allowing them to operate and even supporting their right to speak, we maintain a tremendous sign of our strength and liberalism. Harasment of their party newspapers, their leaders, and advocates, is treachery to our basic principles of freedom of speech and press. Their views, no matter how misguided, no matter how much the Russians take advantage of them, must be allowed to be aired. after all communist [Party] U.S.A. have existed for 40 years and they are still a pitiful group of radicals.

"Our two conoutries have too much too offer to each other to be tearing at each other's throats in an endless cold war. Both are conoutries have major short comings and advantages. But only in ours is the voice of dissent all allowed opportunity of expression, in returning to the U.S., I hope I have awoken a few who were sleeping, and other who are indifferent. I have done a lot of critizing of our system I hope you will take it in the spirit it was given. In going to Russia I followed the old priciple "Thou shalt seek the truth, and the Truth shall make you free." In returning to the U.S. I have done nothing more or less than select the lesser of two evils."

Eugene Murret testified before the HSCA. He recalled that OSWALD'S speech dealt with his "Marxist philosophy, the communist philosophy, since he, I think, was sympathetic to that viewpoint." A student at the Seminary reported that OSWALD said that the Russian peasants "were very poor, often close to starvation...in each hut there was a radio speaker, even in huts where there was no running water or electricity. The speaker was attached to a cord that ran back to a common receiver. Thus, the inhabitants of the hut could never change stations or turn off the radio. They had to listen to everything that came through it, day or night."

OSWALD denounced the Communist Party in his speech to the Jesuits as a tool of Soviet imperialism, yet he subscribed to The Worker, the organ of the Communist Party of the United States, and two months later, he offered his services to the Communist Party. He attacked Soviet Communism at the same time he applied for a Soviet visa. OSWALD wrote that he hated "the USSR and the socialist system." [WR 397-400, 712] He called the Communist Party of the United States "subsidized," "messenger of the Kremlin's Internationalist propaganda," "fifth columnist of the Russians," and "arch betrayers." He called the Soviets: "criminals" guilty of "mass extermination" "supression" "murderers of history." OSWALD'S ideal activist had to throw off the shackles of Soviet Communism.

OSWALD'S activist would emerge after a economic crisis, just as Hitler did in Nazi Germany, and become part of a "special party" of those "violently opposed to Soviet intervention." OSWALD was willing to enlist disenchanted members of the Socialist Party. The National Socialist Party in Germany attracted many former Socialists. OSWALD cited the Minutemen as a group that would be active after the "military debacle of the United States." OSWALD portrayed the Minutemen as "redefending their own backyards," a noble purpose. OSWALD wrote: "This is where a safeguard is necessary. And not only a safe guard but a safetly valve, to shut off opportunist forces from within, and foreign powers from without. There can be no subsitute for organization and procurement work towards the aforestated ideals and goals." Was OSWALD proposing to shut off the lives of members of the Communist Party after his revolution? Was that why it was necessary to penetrate the Communist Party and procure membership information? Essentially, OSWALD was proposing the formation of death squad, similar to OPERATION 40, to take out CP members during a time of crisis since they were agents of a foreign power. This group would remain underground - "stoic" - until the crisis came. The "practical measures" OSWALD made reference to was assassinations. This translated to "The only good Communist is a dead Communist." In another version of this speech, he said Americans should be tolerant of the views of American Communists.

OSWALD'S politics made little sense. OSWALD said he was alarmed about Soviet "domination of the American continent," yet he supported Fidel Castro's Cuba, which had been widely regarded as Moscow's "stepping stone" to the American continent since 1961. OSWALD was aware of the close relationship between Russia and Cuba and, in an anti-Communist essay, had described Cuba as a "fellow traveler" of the Soviet Union. OSWALD wrote: "The third part is filled with foreign news items. Often covered and credited to A.P. or Reuters news agencies, they usually concern strikes and clashes with police, crime and race incidents in capitalist countries as well as other "News" slanted to give a bad (illegible) about all countries except those who are members of the Socialist camp or their fellow travelers such as Cuba who are painted as properous democracies fighting against imperialism from without and and capitalist says and agents from within." [HSCA V8 p362; WCE 92] OSWALD attempted to explain this contradiction when he appeared on radio in New Orleans in August 1963: "Castro is an independent leader of an independent country. He has ties with the Soviet Union, with the eastern bloc...you cannot point at Castro and say he is a Russian puppet."

OSWALD mentioned Cuba only once in his speech. This made no sense in light of his intensive Fair Play for Cuba activity at the time. In one version of this speech OSWALD wrote "In returning to the U.S. I have done nothing more or less than select the lesser of two evils." In another version of the same speech he wrote, "No man, having known, having lived, under the Russian Communist and American Capitalist system, could possibly make a choice between them, there is no choice. One offers oppression, the other poverty. Both offer imperialistic injustice, tinted with two brands of slavery." OSWALD wrote: "But no rational man can take the attitude of "a curse on both your houses". There are two world systems, one twisted beyond recognition by its misuse, the other decadent and dying in tis final evolution." Earlier he wrote: "...it is imature to take the sort of attitude which says "a curse on both your houses!" their are two great represative of power in the world, simply expressed, the left and the right, and their offspring factions and concers."

On July 30, 1963, OSWALD borrowed The Hittite by Noel Gerson. Other books by Gerson included Kit Carson, The Folk Hero and the Man. Gerson wrote was reprinted in Reader's Digest. OSWALD borrowed the science fiction book Mind Partner edited by H.L. Gould. He returned these on August 13, 1963. On July 31, 1963, he borrowed Everyday Life in Ancient Rome by F.R. Cowell, who was a very serious scholar. He returned this book on August 14, 1963.

In a letter dated August 1, 1963, postmarked August 4, 1963, OSWALD wrote this to V.T. Lee of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee: "In regards to my efforts to start a branch of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee in New Orleans. I rented an office as planned and was promply closed 3 days later for some obsure reasons by the renters, they said something about remodeling, ect. I'm sure you understand after that I worked out of a post office box and by useing street demonstrations and some circular work have substained a great deal of interest but no new members. Through the efforts of some cuban-exial "gusanos" a street demonstration was attacked and we were oficialy cautioned by the police. This incident robbed me of what support I had leaving me alone. never-the-less thousands of circular were distrubed and many, many pamplet which your office supplied. We also manged to picket the fleet when it came in and I was surprised at the number of officers who were interested in our literature. I continue to recive through my post office box inquires and questions which I shall endeavor to keep ansewering to the best of my ability."

OSWALD wrote the Fair Play for Cuba Committee about an incident that had not yet occurred. (He had not been attacked by exiles, or questioned by the police, before he wrote this letter.) The Warren Commission: "In his letter to V.T. Lee, he stated that he was then alone in his efforts on behalf of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, but he attributed his lack of support to an attack by Cuban exiles in a street demonstration and being 'officialy cautioned' by the police, events which 'robbed me of what support I had leaving me alone. In spite of those claims, the Commission has been unable to uncover any evidence that anyone ever attacked any street demonstration in which OSWALD was involved, except for the incident which occurred eight days after OSWALD wrote the above letter to V.T. Lee. BRINGUIER, who seemed to be familiar with many anti-Castro activities in New Orleans, was not aware of any such incident. Police reports also fail to reflect any activity on OSWALD'S part prior to August 9, 1963, except for the uneventful distribution of literature at the Dumaine Street wharf in June 1963. Furthermore, the general tenor of OSWALD'S next letter to V.T. Lee, in which he supported his report on the BRINGUIER incident with a copy of the charges made against him and a newspaper clipping reporting the event, suggested that his previous story of an attack by Cuban exiles was at least greatly exaggerated."

OSWALD was not exaggerating, nor was he clairvoyant. OSWALD wrote about his fight with Cuban exiles before it took place because the fight had been planned before it took place. The brawl was the work of collusion between Cuban exile CARLOS BRINGUIER and OSWALD. Its purpose was to attract media, police, and FBI attention, to OSWALD and the New Orleans Chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, in order to establish bona fides with the Cubans which would allow OSWALD to travel to Cuba. [WR p408]

BRINGUIER was asked, in April 1993, how OSWALD had knowledge of "the brawl" before it happened. He responded, "You said that he wrote the letter, I don't know. I found two possible explanations. First OSWALD was, what you can say, he make a lot of mistakes, like him transferring dates and things like that, and I believe he made a mistake. He left a zero out. The date was the 10th." BRINGUIER was asked why the letter was postmarked August 4, 1963: "Sir I didn't finish yet. I believe that you have a preconceived idea. Then there would be no possible way for me to change your idea. Most of the people who have those preconceived ideas are communists...My idea is this. Since the Fair Play for Cuba Committee was involved in the whole thing, because I am sure that the Fair Play for Cuba Committee and Castro were involved in the assassination, and OSWALD didn't write to the Fair Play for Cuba Committee just one letter. And OSWALD wrote several letters to the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. When the Fair Play for Cuba Committee presented that to the FBI, they transposed the envelopes. That is very simple. You get one letter that was dated on the tenth the guy missed and sealed [or misconcealed?] and he did that several times in his life. Not for the first time that he did that. And then you use another envelope. I have envelopes here that were written to me in 1962...The only two reasons that I see is that because first, OSWALD could not have been a psychic, and foresee that there was to be that incident. Because if my friend would not have seen him on Canal Street when he walked out of the bus, I wouldn't have known that, because I didn't know about the second time, because I was working, and on August 16, 1963, he held the other demonstration, I didn't know about that until it was too late for me to arrive over there, and I didn't know about the previous demonstration when he did the thing about the Navy ship that was here in New Orleans and he went over to one of the piers and he did a demonstration over there."

On May 4, 1960, BRINGUIER left Cuba for Guatemala, and then Argentina. He entered the United States on February 8, 1961, and arrived in New Orleans on February 18, 1961, where he became associated with the Cuban Revolutionary Front. BRINGUIER's stated that his first job in New Orleans was with the California Redwood Produce Company. BRINGUIER lasted two days. BRINGUIER then worked at Mac's Discount House for about one year, beginning April 1, 1961. BRINGUIER became a self-employed peddler in April 1962, with his brother-in-law, Rolando Pelaez. They bought clothing and radios at wholesale prices and went aboard ships to sell the same. BRINGUIER stated that he had a Port Security Card. BRINGUIER stated that on October 1, 1962, he opened the Casa Roca clothing store and has been working there since. BRINGUIER Jack Anderson wrote about a CIA Office of Security document wherein BRINGUIER was named as a CIA informant. Several CIA documents generated by the Domestic Contacts Division indicated a close relationship between BRINGUIER and the CIA. BRINGUIER was contacted in 1978, then he was mailed the CIA Office of Security documents about him. He stated: "I got them. As far as I remember, because I did not pay that much attention to them, I don't see anything worthwhile in them. The best thing to find out is if the CIA is now working for Castro, or how deep is Communist infiltration in the U.S. at this moment? I never met any CIA people until after the assassination. I wish I would have known [the Watergate burglars]. Your line of questioning suggests you are trying to make some kind of wild link...the Communists are trying to bring something about in that regard." He enlarged upon this in April 1993: "I was with the Cuban Revolutionary Front until the beginning of 1962. I was just for a few months with the Cuban Revolutionary Council. I have never met HOWARD HUNT or "EDUARDO." I was here in New Orleans and the only one I met here that was with the Cuban Revolutionary Council was Mr. Arcacha. Then the person who was appointed chairman of the Cuban Revolutionary Council here was Mr. Rabel, and I was working with Mr. Rabel as secretary of press of propaganda just for a few months. I also was trying to find out who were the communists that were helping Castro from here."

HUNT and BRINGUIER were both connected to the Cuban Revolutionary Front and Cuban Revolutionary Council. HUNT described himself as involved in the propaganda efforts of the Cuban Revolutionary Council. BRINGUIER described himself as secretary of press of propaganda of the Cuban Revolutionary Council. BRINGUIER'S brother, Juan Felipe Bringuier, was a member of Brigade 2506 and was captured during the Bay of Pigs. The CIA had a 201 file on Juan Felipe BRINGUIER. HUNT and BRINGUIER held many common ideas. Both felt President John F. Kennedy was going to replace Fidel Castro with leftist Manolo Ray. BRINGUIER termed this Operation Judas. Both men had connections to the upper echelons of the Republican Party. HUNT worked for NIXON. On November 27, 1963, Dr. William Prendergast, Republican National Committee, Washington, D.C., told the FBI that he had received information from a source available to him that OSWALD had "approached CARLOS BRINGUIER, Head of the New Orleans Student Directorate, DRE, New Orleans, during approximately early August 1963, and had offered a $10 contribution toward the furtherance of the anti-Castro causes of that organization. Since he was a former United States Marine, he also offered to assist in the military training of members of this group. The DRE was suspicious of OSWALD, suspecting possibly he was a member of the CIA or FBI who was attempting to penetrate their organization. They forwarded his offer to DRE Headquarters, Miami, Florida, for consideration. In the meantime they placed OSWALD under surveillance." [NARA FBI 124-10272-10128] William Prendergast suggested that the FBI contact BRINGUIER and Jose Antonio Lanusa about this matter. In 1972 BRINGUIER was head of Cubans for NIXON in New Orleans. "We had a committee here Cubans for NIXON and Breen in New Orleans. Yes, sir. We had." [FBI WFO 89-35-131]

In April 1993 BRINGUIER received the references to him in this investigation. When recontacted he commented: "I saw the amount of lies you put about me there. Listen, I don't want to discuss them one by one with you because there are only two reasons: you are either a communist, or you are an idiot. And I don't have time for either one of them."

Pedro Diaz Lanz told Gaeton Fonzi he "knows a young man in New Orleans, one CARLOS BRINGUIER, who had a fight with OSWALD in the street. Lanz states that he was with BARKER many times...met Bender at a safehouse..." [HSCA Gonzales and Fonzi 9.23.77]

The conspirators endorsed BRINGUIER by having OSWALD stage an incident with him. BRINGUIER, like General Walker, would become an anti-Communist hero after the assassination of President John F. Kennedy because OSWALD had attacked him. [16WH67; 10WH32; HUNT Day pp45, 62, 95-105; Firman, Peraza Cuba En El Exilo Gainesville, FL X13, V26; WCD 1214; Miami Herald 5.5.76; CIA 1236-520, 1326-1042]

OSWALD wrote V.T. Lee that the Fair Play for Cuba Committee had been evicted from its office for political reasons, when it never had an office. Nor did OSWALD receive Fair Play for Cuba Committee correspondence at his post office box. OSWALD had leaflets printed, but they had not been widely distributed.

In the late Spring of 1960, three DRE leaders escaped from Cuba and arrived in Miami, where they immediately offered the Cuban Revolutionary Front their services. The DRE was rendered an affiliate of the Cuban Revolutionary Front and Cuban Revolutionary Council. DRE leaders, and members, were supplied with weapons and money: "Although there is no record of the DRE in Office of Security indices, Western Hemisphere/COG files reflect the DRE was conceived, created, and funded, by the CIA in September 1960, and terminated in December 1966. It was an outgrowth of an activist student group in Cuba which fought against Batista and later against Castro. After many of the leaders came into exile in the United States, they were trained and infiltrated back into Cuba for intelligence duties. After the Bay of Pigs, from 1962 to 1966, members were used as political action groups throughout the Western Hemisphere. During the organization's six year period of existence many DRE personnel were in contact with JMWAVE staffers but from 1965 to 1966 contact was limited to (Deleted) Juan Manuel Salvat, the current DRE Secretary General (Deleted) and Fernando Garcia Chacon (deleted). OS indices checks were negative on Juan Manuel Salvat except for a New York Times article of August 27, 1962, which identified Salvat as the leader of the DRE. Salvat headed a raid on Havana, Cuba, in August 1962, which proved embarrassing to United States authorities. Fernando Thomas Garcia Chacon was (deleted) identified as a member of the DRE in 1963 but no Agency affiliation was indicated." [CIA Memo 11.9.67] Jack Caufield, a former New York City Police Department Detective in the Intelligence Division who worked for NIXON in the early 1970's, was in charge of monitoring DRE activities in New York City. The first DRE infiltration team landed in Cuba in November 1960.

On April 2, 1961, the DRE called a special meeting of its military section. "The speaker was (deleted). He told military section relations with KUBARK have come to an impasse and no alternative for [words DRE written in] but break relations and continue without aid. Citing one of reasons (deleted) aid KUBARK wanted military section dismantled, a condition (Deleted) could not accept. He said DRE will go it alone and cannot give up anti-Castro struggle. Explained this difficult because mobility of leaders limited, but he promised that DRE would continue making 'strikes' against Castro whenever possible...FBI reps arrived at (deleted) Hqs. and took (deleted) to FBI offices allegedly 'to have private talk.'" By November 1961, Castro had driven the DRE group operating inside Cuba underground. The DRE withdrew from the Cuban Revolutionary Council in March 1962. [FBI 105-107224-NR 3.29.62, NR 3.19.62] The Miami-based DRE was shelling Havana from boats in August 1962, which brought it to the attention of United States Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy. After a warning from the Justice Department, the DRE distributed leaflets that accused President John F. Kennedy of abandoning it. It warned it would continue to attack Cuba, since the Bay of Pigs had "culminated in treachery." The military operations chief of the DRE, who infiltrated Cuba before the Bay of Pigs, told the HSCA the Cuban underground mistakenly believed it had the total endorsement of the United States. On August 25, 1962, the DRE almost assassinated Fidel Castro when it attacked the Sierra Maestre Hotel in Havana. Two speedboats fired 30 rounds of 20-millimeter cannon shells, of which 28 hit the hotel. Two rounds went wild and hit the Blanquita Theater, where Fidel Castro was watching a Chaplin film. Fidel Castro was enraged and claimed it was a CIA attempt on his life. The DRE leaders were brought to Washington, and were congratulated by DD/P Richard Helms. Despite political differences, the DRE began working closely with Alpha-66 at this time. [CIA F82-0430/24] The CIA's DRE file covering the periods of August 1962, through December 1962, contained an uncontrolled Top Secret document. In October 1962 a DRE member was arrested in Havana and sentenced to 30 years in prison. The CIA: "We had our first contact with him in September 1961, in the U.S., and provided him with some material assistance for paramilitary operations. His Provisional Operational Approval for use in paramilitary activities was granted January 3, 1962, and cancelled November 8, 1962. The date of his return to Cuba has not been established." After the October 1962 Cuban missile crisis, the Kennedy Administration curtailed the activities of the DRE, although it was apparently moving closer to assassinating Fidel Castro. [NYT 7.1.59; Agee CIA Diary p618] In December 1962 the DRE and Alpha-66 planned joint raids against Cuba. [CIA F82-0430/126] On January 23, 1963, MM T-1 advised the FBI that Esiero Borja, the military chief of the DRE, "recently contacted a representative of GERALD PATRICK HEMMING'S INTERPEN group, and said that the DRE desired to receive military training at INTERPEN training camp at No Name Key, Florida. HEMMING agreed to accept a certain number of DRE members and provide them with military training, which will start at some time in the near future." [SCCIA 157-10003-10483] In March 1962 the DRE announced that it was quitting the Cuban Revolutionary Council. [FBI 105-107224-A N.R. 3.19.62] Gaeton Fonzi wrote: "In April 1963, President John F. Kennedy prohibited DRE and Cuban Revolutionary Council exile leaders from leaving the United States. In New Orleans, CARLOS BRINGUIER, the DRE leader, proclaimed his group 'would continue efforts to liberate Cuba despite United States action to stop raids originating from U.S. soil.'"

On November 15, 1963, Desmond FitzGerald, Chief, Special Activities Section sent this message to JM WAVE: "Per discussion Headquarters Station authorized to proceed as outlined paragraphs 11 and 12 reference with understanding that (deleted) will be given appropriate time to phase out Kubark support to military section, and that they be encouraged to seek support of an organization which has the means and facilities outside continental limits of U.S. to conduct operations against (deleted). no mention (deleted) or (deleted) this context, since (deleted) will obviously understand what you intend to convey.

2. "Headquarters proposes advise (deleted) if learned that military section of (deleted) 'cast adrift' and may be seeking some form of association with (deleted)." [CIA cite 82832]

BRINGUIER was in Dallas in 1963. A withheld CIA document "contains a detailed report about an intelligence source who normally reported on matters of intelligence interest concerning Cuba. This particular document became part of the OSWALD CIA file, apparently on the basis of several sentences indicating the source had met a well-known, anti-Castro emigre in Dallas, Texas. That individual was CARLOS BRINGUIER." [CIA 1323-1040-5.23.67]

On August 5, 1963, Marina OSWALD received word from the Soviet Embassy, Washington, that her request for a visa had been forwarded to Moscow for processing. Vitaly Alekseevich Gerasimov, who signed the letter, advised her that as soon as the Embassy received a reply she would be advised. On August 5, 1963, the New Orleans FBI investigated and located OSWALD, learning his address and that of his former employer. Oleg Nechiporenko wrote that Vitaly Alekseevich Gerasimov was a member of the KGB.

On August 5, 1963, OSWALD borrowed The Expert Dreamers edited by Frederick Pohl. He returned this book on August 19, 1963. On August 5, 1963, OSWALD initiated contact with BRINGUIER at the Casa Roca retail clothing store at 107 Decatur Street, New Orleans. He had the words "Cuban Student Derectorate, 107 Decatur St, New Orleans, La, CARLOS BRINGUIER" in his address book. Where had OSWALD obtained this information?

The OSWALD / BRINGUIER meeting was witnessed by two young anti-Castro Americans, Vance Douglas Blalock and Philip Geraci, who were collecting money for the DRE. Vance Douglas Blalock told the Warren Commission:

Liebler: Tell us, to the best of your recollection, the things that happened as far as OSWALD was concerned.

Blalock: He walked up to us and leaned against the desk and listened to the conversation. Then he started asking questions about the organization, and we were talking about guerrilla warfare, just in case the country got in war, how young students could help - something in that nature and then OSWALD asked CARLOS BRINGUIER all about the organization and what part it played in the main movement in Florida...and he explained that he took training in guerilla warfare, and he told me how to blow up bridges, derail trains, make zip guns, make homemade gunpowder...He told us to put powder charges at each end of the bridge from the foundation to where the foundation meets the suspension part, and to blow that part up and the center part of the bridge would collapse. ...He told us how to derail a train without gunpowder. He said put a chain around a railroad track and lock it to the track with a lock.

Liebler: Did he talk to BRINGUIER about helping BRINGUIER in this organization, or just what was the general context of this conversation?

Blalock: He just asked him about the anti-Castro organization and asked him to explain it to him, and said he was interested in finding out how it operated. He didn't say he wanted to join it. He just said he was interested in it. Oh, and BRINGUIER gave him literature, a Cuban newspaper and leaflets or booklets.

Liebler: Did he say anything about Florida?

Blalock: Just mentioned the Cuban anti-Castro organization there.

Liebler: What did he say about that?

Blalock: I don't remember exactly, but I think he said he had been there and he had looked into it. I couldn't say for sure on that...I don't recall any name..."

Liebler: Do you remember talking to the FBI agent about OSWALD'S remark concerning having been to Florida?

Blalock: I think he said that he had been there.

Liebler: Well, the report I have here says that you seemed to remember something about having recently visited something called Casa Nostre, C-a-s-a N-o-s-t-r-a. Do you remember saying anything about that to the FBI man?

Blalock: I remember mentioning that organization, it was mentioned in the conversation with CARLOS BRINGUIER and HARVEY OSWALD.

Liebler: It was?

Blalock: I believe so.

Liebler: Do you remember that it was OSWALD who mentioned it?

Blalock: I don't remember which one mentioned it first.

Liebler: And it was mentioned as being a Cuban organization in Florida?

Blalock: Yes sir, I think that is the name they mentioned. It could be something similar. I know I got this mafia name mixed up with a Cuban organization name.

Liebler: Well you know that that name I just mentioned Case Nostre, is very similar to the Cosa Nostra. Do you think you may have been confused at the time you talked with him?

Blalock: Well, I meant the Cuban organization. I may have said the Mafia, the Cosa Nostra.

Liebler: You may have used that name?

Blalock: But I meant the Cuban-

Liebler: You meant some anti-Castro organization?

Blalock: Yes sir.

Liebler: So, the best you can recall, OSWALD didn't say that he had recently visited some one in the Cosa Nostra?

Blalock: No Sir. Yes Sir.

Liebler: But you do recall sort of vaguely that OSWALD did say that he had been in Florida and that he had visited an anti-Castro Cuban organization there?

Blalock: Yes sir, I do.

Philip Geraci, (born February 21, 1948; died of accidental electrocution, 1968) was a mentally unbalanced guerilla warfare buff. While he was raising money for CARLOS BRINGUIER in the Summer of 1963 he informed the FBI of BRINGUIER'S activities. Philip Geraci testified: "Well CARLOS and me and Vance were kind of talking among ourselves and he came in...and he asked 'Is this the Cuban exile headquarters?' And, 'Are you a Cuban exile?'...CARLOS said yes. He asked him some questions like was he connected with the Cosa Nostra...and CARLOS said no, he wasn't."

On May 6, 1965, Philip Geraci was declared a missing person. The Deputy Sheriff of Jefferson Parish alerted the FBI that it had come to his attention that "Geraci had an interest in guerilla warfare, explosives and the organizing of groups...Geraci is a mentally disturbed youth who received psychiatric treatments...His investigation reflected Geraci had offered to join Alpha-66, a group of Cuban refugees...Geraci's services were refused. Geraci also offered to join the Morgan Brigade, a group of Americans who wished to go back to Cuba and overthrow Castro, and was also refused." Philip Geraci's interview with the United States Secret Service was missing from the National Archives, as was the FBI's interview with his mother. [WCD 72 #2; National Archives Sec. Class. Prob. Inv. WC Comm. on Gov. Ops. 11.11.75]

BRINGUIER said that OSWALD reportedly told him that he wanted to join the DRE and, according to BRINGUIER, "OSWALD asked me for some literature against Castro, explained that he had experience in guerrilla warfare, and expressed that he was willing to help train anti-Castro Cubans in guerrilla activities. When I explained to OSWALD that I didn't have anything to do with military activities, he put his hand in his pocket and offered to contribute some money to our cause. I refused because Geraci [who was present] had informed me that he was stopped from selling 'bonds' by the police because we did not have a City of New Orleans permit to collect money." [BRINGUIER Red Friday p25] OSWALD wrote: "I infiltraled the Cuban Student directorite and than harresed them with information I gained including having the N. O. city atterny general call them in and put a retraining order pending a hearing on some so-called bonds for invasion they were selling in the New Orleans area."

BRINGUIER indicated that OSWALD immediately aroused his suspicions and he told OSWALD to deal directly with the Military Section of the DRE in Miami. Juan Francisco Blanco-Fernandez was the head of the Military Section of the DRE in Miami. BRINGUIER later commented he was concerned that OSWALD knew of the LaCombe, Louisiana, training camp, because OSWALD had mentioned that he wanted to help train anti-Castro guerrillas. BRINGUIER explained: "As there was a Castro's spy infiltrated in an anti-Castro training camp in existence at that moment across the Lake Pontchartrain, and the Castro's spy, Fernando Fernandez, was sending his information to the Cuban Ambassador in Mexico City, it is possible and logical that the Cuban Government could have put that situation in the acknowledgment of any of the pro-Castro organizations in the country." BRINGUIER said he was worried about infiltrators, because one of his brothers-in-laws was a Castro double-agent. [WCD 1085d9; WCE 1413 p4] The DRE'S operations in Cuba were effectively destroyed in 1962 when Jorge Medina BRINGUIER, born in 1941, in Cuba, infiltrated the DRE underground in February 1962 for the Cuban Intelligence Service. He rose to the position of National Coordinator of the DRE in Cuba, and systematically furnished information to the Cuban Government which resulted in numerous arrests and a complete breakdown of the DRE. [FBI Interview with Luis Fernandez Rocha WCD 1085d4] On December 17, 1963, BRINGUIER told the FBI that he "knew of no connection that OSWALD had with any Cubans, and that OSWALD made no mention of any Cuban training camp, and gave no indication of knowing about a training camp, or of being acquainted with any Cubans." [FBI NO 100-16601 SA John T. Reynolds]

Gaeton Fonzi reported: "Edward Martino said that his father did mention to him that he saw OSWALD handing out Fair Play for Cuba Committee pamphlets in New Orleans. He said it was a coincidence his father was in New Orleans that day [Friday August 9, 1963] on his on his lecture circuit. Edward said he did not know whether or not his father saw the incident involving OSWALD and CARLOS BRINGUIER, but the latters name was not familiar to him." [HSCA Memo From Fonzi and Gonzales to Cliff Fenton 10.7.77] MARTINO was also in New Orleans and Lake Charles, Louisiana, on September 27, 1963, and he was in Dallas on October 27, 1963. HEMMING told this researcher: "MARTINO was acquainted with OSWALD. There was weird shit going on. If you wanted a guy that could play George Raft, and come on sinister, and lay a line on a punk like fucking OSWALD, he was the guy to do it. Talkin' about the mob and all that kind of stuff. He knew CHRIST. He knew JACK RUBY. And he's the old time guy that takes care of everybody. He makes sure the food that is delivered from the family, gets to the cell. MARTINO was behind the scenes manipulating a few things. Now that don't mean shit. I don't know what they sat down and discussed. He had a hand in a lot of Cuban deals."

OSWALD returned to BRINGUIER'S store on August 6, 1963, and left his Marine training manual with BRINGUIER'S brother-in-law.

On August 8, 1963, OSWALD borrowed The Worlds of Clifford Simak from the New Orleans Public Library. On Friday August 9, 1963, BRINGUIER said he was informed that an unidentified man was carrying a pro-Castro sign and handing out literature on Canal Street. Major Presley J. Trosclair, Intelligence Unit Commander of the New Orleans Police Department, was of the opinion that OSWALD, prior to arrest his arrest in New Orleans on August 9, 1963, contacted him by phone to secure a picketing permit. OSWALD was told to consult with his attorney concerning this matter. The Traffic Division Unit of the New Orleans Police Department advised that is was not necessary to secure a permit in order to picket. [FBI NO 89-69-566]

BRINGUIER, and two of his friends, confronted the unidentified male. BRINGUIER stated that when he recognized him as the man who had offered the DRE help, and realized that OSWALD had evidently tried to infiltrate his group, he "cursed OSWALD in English...The incited people started calling names at OSWALD. Celso could not contain himself. He moved near OSWALD, grabbed the literature that he had and threw it up in the air. I lost my temper and moved close to OSWALD with the intention to hit him, and when OSWALD sensed this he put his arms down and told me: 'O.K. CARLOS, if you want to hit me, hit me.' Immediately I realized OSWALD would like to appear as a martyr, and for that reason I decided not to hit him." HEMMING 1994: "I may have met BRINGUIER through Luis Rabel. OSWALD staged this because he wanted to impress Castro's intelligence operatives how good he was at penetrating, and he could go down and get on T.V. and expose all the anti-Castro thugs. Someone was giving him guidance on this shit. A dangerous fucking game. OSWALD was not thinking of JFK at the point in time that he was doing his thing in New Orleans. There was a plan to put him in Cuba as a spotter for a hit on Fidel." BRINGUIER: "I read about him in some books, or something like that, but I personally never met HEMMING. Never met FIORINI either. I met Pedro Diaz Lanz in 1964. New Orleans was very isolated. I was not making continuously trips to Miami. When I was going to Miami I was going on vacation." During testimony in HUNT v. WEBERMAN, STURGIS testified he may have known BRINGUIER.

On August 9, 1963, the police came and arrested all participants. OSWALD spoke with Officers Horace J. Austin and Warren Roberts. This was their report:

"He is a member of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, whose address is 799 Broadway, New York 3, N.Y. telephone OR-4-8295. OSWALD had in his possession a National Membership card issued on May 28, 1963, and the president's name on this card was V.T. Lee. OSWALD also had a local membership card dated June 6, 1963, and the president of the local chapter, whose name was on the card was A. Hidell. OSWALD presented his Social Security Card, which did not bear his signature, and the number of this card was 433-54-3937. OSWALD presented his U.S. Marine Discharge Card (Honorable) bearing service number 1653230 and date of active duty from October 24, 1956, to September 11, 1959.

OSWALD stated he was born in New Orleans on October 18, 1939, that he is about 5' 9" tall, about 140 pounds, and is a mechanic by trade. He stated he did mechanic work in the Marine Corps, and that he is presently unemployed, and has been so about three weeks. Before he was laid off, OSWALD stated, he worked at the Louisiana Coffee Company for about three months, and before that he had worked at Fort Worth, Texas, at a sheet metal place. OSWALD stated he worked at the sheet metal place in Fort Worth for several months, but was very evasive in answering any further questions of employment prior to that time.

"OSWALD stated that he lives with his wife, whose maiden name was Marina Pross, WF, age 21. They were married in Fort Worth, have one child 17 months of age, and presently reside at 4907 Magazine Street, lower center, New Orleans.

"OSWALD stated that he has two brothers who reside like his mother in Fort Worth, Texas. He stated his father, John Lee Oswald, is deceased.

"OSWALD stated he had talked to Major Trosclair about getting a permit for the Fair Play for Cuba Committee and the major advised him to consult his attorney. OSWALD said he never did go and see about a permit at city hall.

"OSWALD further stated the Cubans came up to him where he was giving out the leaflets and began to tear them up and throw them in the street. OSWALD stated that they started to yell that he was a communist, and about that time, the officers from the first district came up and a crowd gathered. OSWALD stated he joined the Fair Play for Cuba Committee when he found a leaflet on the street one day and read what was on it, and sent $5.00 to the address which was in New York City, and, after a brief period of time, he was sent material through the mail and contacted locally, and he started to attend meetings, which he stated were held in each others homes. OSWALD stated they, the members, get together and talk about how it would be to visit Cuba, life in Cuba, etc.

"OSWALD denied the organization was communist, or a communist front, when asked by Captain James Arnold, Commanding Officer of the First Police District, who came in during the interview, but OSWALD had in his possession and was carrying a piece of cardboard with VIVA Fidel painted on it and the paraphernalia he was handing out was pasted on this cardboard also. OSWALD stated he has never been to Cuba, and it appeared as though he is being used by these people and is very uninformed and knows very little about this organization he belongs to and its ultimate purpose or goal. OSWALD stated that the people that attend these informal meetings are working class people, such as clerical trades, etc."

The police discovered a small piece of paper with Russian writing in OSWALD'S wallet:

Marina at work

22182

Hotel Minsk Rose 92 463

Domicile Registry Office (?)

Moscow (?) D78545

Domicile Registry Office (?) Minsk

25994 Ex. 39

Radio Factory, Ex(perimental)

Shop 3-29-56

221-82

Hotel Soboy (Savoy?) Moscow

K(?) 42980 [No such number. CIA: "probably garble." K41980 was correct number.]

Roman Detkov 20244217. [Detkov's number was 20244 The CIA commented: "The significance of the last three digits is not known."]

Comrade Dyadev 279

Kon. Na Rokhsov (?)

Comrade Sharapov 20525 [This number appears to be a garble of 20575.

Leo Setyaev, Radio Moscow,

V3 6588

Maria (?) 33853

The CIA reported: "The address book lists a 'Maria, tele 3-38-53, with the incomplete address 'Kv. 20 Dom - ' [Apt 20 house -], and a paper found in OSWALD'S possession by the New Orleans police in 1963 contains the note 'Maria [?] 33853."

OSWALD inadvertently left the piece of paper in his wallet. The police reported the existence of this document to the FBI. OSWALD might have been a Russian spy disguised as an organizer for the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. Despite this, DeBRUEYS did not step-up the FBI investigation of OSWALD and the New Orleans Chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee.

Before the New Orleans police could alert the FBI about OSWALD, OSWALD requested a meeting with the FBI. OSWALD was interviewed by S.A. John Lester Quigley on Saturday, August 10, 1963. OSWALD claimed he received an honorable discharge from the Marines and, about four months ago, he and his wife Marina Prossa, who he married in Fort Worth, moved to New Orleans: "After coming to New Orleans he said he began reading various pieces of literature distributed by the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, and it was his understanding from reading this material that the (illegible) and theme of the Committee is to prevent the United States from invading or attacking Cuba or interfering in the political affairs of that country. Further, that the people of that country should be given an opportunity to go and visit Cuba, and in this way they could make up their own minds as to what the internal conditions of Cuba are like at the present time. He says he does not consider the Fair Play for Cuba Committee to be communist, or a communist-controlled, group. OSWALD said that inquiry in New Orleans developed the fact that there apparently was a New Orleans Fair Play for Cuba Committee chapter, but he did not know any of the members or where their offices were located. He said he sent a letter to Fair Play for Cuba Committee headquarters...and told them he wished to join this committee...During the latter part of May of this year he received a membership card which bore a date of May 28, 1963, and was made out in the name of LEE HARVEY OSWALD and was signed by V.T. Lee. He described this card as being grey in color and signifying membership in the national organization. A short time thereafter, he said, he received in the mail a white card which showed that he was made a member of the New Orleans chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. This card was dated June 6, 1963. It was signed A.J. Hidell and it bore in the lower right hand corner the number 33 which he said indicated membership number. OSWALD had in his possession both cards and exhibited both of them. Since becoming a member of the national committee, OSWALD said he has been receiving the monthly circular of the committee which is about seven pages in length. He claimed that he could not recall the name of this publication.

"Since receiving his membership card in the New Orleans chapter of the committee he said that he had spoken with Hidell on the telephone on several occasions. On these occasions, Hidell would discuss general matters of mutual interest in connection with committee business and on other occasions he would inform him of a scheduled meeting. He said he never personally met Hidell, and he knows Hidell did have a telephone, but it has now been discontinued. He claimed that he could not recall what the number was.

"OSWALD said that the committee did not have any offices in New Orleans, and whenever meetings were held, they were held in the residences of various members. OSWALD maintained that he had attended only two committee meetings, and at each of the meetings there were about five different individuals. At each of these meetings the persons present were different. He did not know the last name of any of these individuals, and claimed he was only introduced to them by first name. He maintained that he could not recall any of the first names. From what he understands, there are no regularly scheduled times for meetings, and the only way he knows about them is when somebody gives him a call and tells him there will be a meeting. At these meetings he said the general conversation deals with Cuba, and the latest news on the internal affairs of Cuba. OSWALD admitted that on one occasion he held a committee meeting at his home, but he declined to elaborate on how he got word to the various members that it would be held.

"Last Wednesday, August 7, 1963, OSWALD said he had received a note through the mail from Hidell. The note asked him if he had time would he mind distributing some Fair Play for Cuba Committee literature in the downtown area of New Orleans. He said that Hidell knew he was not working and probably had time. Hidell also knew that he had considerable literature on the committee which had been furnished to him by the national committee in New York. Since he did not have anything to do, OSWALD said decided he would go down to Canal Street and distribute some literature. He denied that he was being paid for his services, but that he was doing it as a patriotic duty...About 1:00 p.m. on August 9, 1963, OSWALD said he went down on Canal Street by himself and started distributing committee literature."

OSWALD told S.A. John Quigley that he made up a sandwich-board sign reading VIVA FIDEL and had leaflets, membership applications and several pamphlets entitled, "The Crime Against Cuba," with him that day. S.A. John Quigley's copy of The Crime Against Cuba did not carry the 544 Camp Street stamp - unlike the copy seized by the New Orleans Police. OSWALD'S application for membership in the Fair Play for Cuba Committee was very professionally laid out and contained no spelling errors: "OSWALD had in his possession at the time of the interview a copy of the three described documents and made available a copy of each to the Agent."

OSWALD'S story was filled with lies. He omitted any mention of his defection, claimed his wife was American, said his membership number in the New Orleans Chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee was 33, which implied that the Chapter had at least 33 members. He said he was contacted by telephone - OSWALD didn't have a telephone. Jessie James Garner "advised [S.A. Warren DeBRUEYS] on October 7, 1963, that LEE OSWALD and his wife did not have any meeting to her knowledge when he was residing at 4907 Magazine Street. She advised that they did have some friends, approximately three or four people, who used to visit them on occasions. She had no information as to the identity of these persons..."

S.A. Warren C. DeBRUEYS was in charge of investigating the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. S.A. Quigley's report was turned over to him. The FBI had been unable to locate a chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee in New Orleans, yet OSWALD could readily join this shadowy organization, which sporadically met in cells of five, where no one knew anyone else's name. The organizer, A.J. Hidell, did not appear at meetings, and could be reached only by telephone. OSWALD had given S.A. John Quigley his true date of birth and the address - 4907 Magazine Street. A check of FBI records would immediately have indicated to S.A. DeBRUEYS that OSWALD was a defector, with a dishonorable discharge from the Marines, who married a Russian woman. This would have rendered him more suspicious of OSWALD and the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. A shadowy organization of this nature had to be infiltrated by the FBI. Moreover, OSWALD said he was born in Cuba. None-the-less, the FBI investigation of A.J. Hidell, the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, and OSWALD, was not stepped up because S.A. DeBRUEYS knew that OSWALD'S Fair Play for Cuba Committee was an Operation. Additionally, S.A. DeBRUEYS had covert contact with OSWALD. In 1978 S.A. DeBRUEYS was asked why OSWALD would ask to be interviewed by FBI agents. He responded: "I mentioned that he may have been concerned about being in custody of the local police and perhaps thought it would be safer if the 'Feds' were aware of his being incarcerated." [FBI 62-117290-996X5] OSWALD had not been contacted by the FBI since August 1962, and he needed its attention to strengthen his bona fides, so he could enter Cuba like other leaders of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee had. He was determined to spark an investigation of the New Orleans Chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, hoping word of it would reach the Headquarters of the New York Fair Play for Cuba Committee, where it would be covertly transmitted to the Cuban Government.

When OSWALD wrote a résumé of his left-wing activities for the Russians several weeks later, he omitted this conversation with the FBI. He wrote: "I am experianced in Street agitation having done it in New Orleans in connection with the F.P.C.C. On August 9, 1963 I was accousted by three anti-Castro Cubans and was arrested for 'causing a disturbance' I was interorgated by the intelligence section of the New Orleans Police Dept. and held overnight being bailed out the next morning by relatives I subsenly was fined 10.$ charges against the three cubans were droped by the judge."

OSWALD spent the night in jail. On August 10, 1963, he telephoned the Murrets and asked them for help in arranging bail. OSWALD was released after Charles Murret got his business partner, Emile Bruneau, to intervene. Emile Bruneau had close ties to CARLOS MARCELLO and Nofio Pecora. In 1978 he was the Chairman of the State Boxing Commission. As an elected official, Emile Bruneau had parole power. OSWALD pleaded guilty to disturbing the peace and was fined $10 on August 12, 1963. The anti-Castro Cubans had not been charged. [Summers Conspiracy p449] On August 12, 1963, OSWALD wrote another letter to V.T. Lee: "Continuing my efforts on behalf of the F.P.C.C. in New Orleans I find that I have incured its displeasure of the cuban exile 'worms' here. I was attacked by three of them as the copy of the enclosed summons indicates I was fined ten dollors and the three cubans were not fined because of 'lack of evidence' as the judge said. I am very glad I am stirring things up and shall continue to do so. The incident was given considerable coverage in the press and local T.V. news broadcast. I'm sure it will all be to the good of the Fair Play for cuba committee." On August 12, 1963, OSWALD borrowed The Treasury of Science Fiction Classics, edited by Harold Kuebler, from the New Orleans Public Library.

Frank Bartes made a speech in May 1963 in which he accused the American Government of selling out the Cubans. On June 14, 1963, Bartes told the FBI in New Orleans that "local Cuban exiles in New Orleans all feel frustrated in their desire to effectively oppose the Cuban Government of Castro. While they in no way want to engage in any activity against Castro contrary to the laws of the United States, they feel that ultimately decisive action against Castro will, of necessity, have to be taken by the United States Government." [FBI LHM New Orleans Bartes: Info. Concerning. 6.14.63] Frank Bartes wrote to President Kennedy in October 1963 communicating that, "Cubans have been restrained in their fight for freedom." [WCD 86; CIA 1221-513] During the incident with BRINGUIER, OSWALD encountered Frank Bartes. After BRINGUIER and OSWALD were arrested in the street scuffle, Frank Bartes appeared in court with BRINGUIER on August 12, 1963. During the hearing, OSWALD sat in the section of the courtroom reserved for "Negroes." According to Frank Bartes, the news media surrounded OSWALD hoping for a statement after the bail hearing. Frank Bartes then engaged in an argument with OSWALD and the news media. Frank Bartes claimed he also spoke to an FBI agent that day and warned that OSWALD was potentially dangerous. [Fonzi HSCA]

"Confidential Informant NO T-1, who is familiar with Cuban activities in the New Orleans area, advised on September 9, 1963, that OSWALD was unknown to informant." Confidential Informant NO T-1 had supplied information on Banister to the FBI. On October 7, 1963, NO T-1 advised that there is no such Post Office Box as 30016 in the New Orleans area. [WCD 692]

When Frank Bartes was questioned by S.A. Lester Quigley on September 10, 1963, he responded that OSWALD was unknown to him: "Frank Bartes, 1608 Mason Smith Avenue, New Orleans, who is a delegate of the Cuban Revolutionary Council in New Orleans advised on September 10, 1963, that OSWALD was unknown to him." [FBI NO 100-16601/cv p12] On September 23, 1963, the CIA received a copy of this FBI report. The Routing and Record Sheet indicated that these components were sent the document:

TO:

1. CI/LS Forwarded September 23, 1963, (Initials JAN)

3. CI/OPS (Deleted) Received it on September 25, 1963, (Initials P)

4. CI/IC (Initials CT)

5. SR/CI (Initials illegible)

6. (Deleted)

7. Annette 2003

9. SR/CI/K/TR (Initials W)

11. 2BO3 Annette.

When BRINGUIER was asked whether Frank Bartes was at OSWALD'S trial, he stated: "I believe that Frank Bartes was at the trial. I'm not sure." BRINGUIER was asked why Frank Bartes had lied to S.A. Quigley about OSWALD: "Sir, you have to ask that to Mr. Frank Bartes. But I told you I am used to people misquoting my words, and now you will probably do the same thing. I am used to that. But I didn't say to you that Bartes met OSWALD. I have never said that to you. If you are taping this conversation, I want that to be very clear. I have never said that, and I am not giving you authorization to tape this, but if Bartes met OSWALD or not I don't know. I don't remember if Bartes was at the trial." I asked WARREN DeBRUEYS if he had spoken to Frank Bartes about OSWALD. He responded, "I don't recall having questioned Frank Bartes. I remember talking to him on numerous occasions, but I just don't specifically remember talking to him about that."

On November 22, 1963, Frank Bartes prepared a one-page statement on behalf of the New Orleans Cuban Revolutionary Council which began: "We have felt the death of your President as if it had been ours, even if in its political aspect we had difference of opinion caused by soft hand policy and indecision, wether [sic] or not apparent, by U.S. Government...the Kennedy assassination, at the hands of a man whose background was Marxist and pro-Castro is the unquestionable proof that a 'second Pearl Harbor' had been committed in a cunning and infamous way on American soil..." When Frank Bartes suggested to a local television station that they read his statement over the air, the management refused.

Because the name "Bardes" appeared in OSWALD'S address book the FBI interviewed Frank Bartes on December 10, 1963. On April 10, 1964, Frank Bartes advised the FBI that the New Orleans Chapter of the Cuban Revolutionary Council was inactive. [FBI 109-584-39; Memo Martin/Garrison 7.29.67; FBI 100-16601/cv, 62-109060-6267, 62-109060-5583] Frank Bartes knew OSWALD and HEMMING.

This researcher interviewed Frank Bartes by telephone in 1977:

Q. Did you know HEMMING?

A. This one in particular I did because he came in advance and visited me in Cuba - JERRY PATRICK. Whenever we talked it was related to things we were going to do to help the Cubans...but I have never been involved in any landing in Cuba with him.

Q. HEMMING said this had to do with a plot against John Kennedy.

A. No sir. Don't quote me because I will deny it. Nobody has talked to me about nothing in reference to President Kennedy, until after he was shot.

Gaeton Fonzi concluded: "The evidence would seem to indicate that the New Orleans Chapter of the Cuban Revolutionary Council had no relationship with OSWALD other than a brief encounter with Cuban Revolutionary Council delegate Frank Bartes." [HSCA V10 p62; WCE 18 p69 of doc.]

Frank Bartes signed up as a mercenary in the CIA-funded Congolese air force in 1965. He served for two and a half months. Frank Bartes told New Orleans Domestic Contacts Division Chief, Lloyd A. Ray, he was sponsored by "Colonel (deleted) and a Mr. (deleted). I strongly suspect of course, that this was a Agency operation." [CIA 12.28.66 NO-380-66]

(1) Prior references: Memorandum Subject: Garrison Investigation of Kennedy Assassination: (Deleted) November 20, 1967.

(2) Involvement in Garrison's investigation: None to date. His former position as head of the Cuban Revolutionary Council in New Orleans and his earlier tie to Lawrence LaBorde and others in respect to guerilla training for anti-Castro Cubans has already been drawn to Garrison's attention.

(3) DDP and DCS relationships:

(a) DDP. Although a Provisional Operational Approval for use in (deleted) was requested on December 29, 1960, and granted January 30, 1961, the request was canceled on August 30, 1961, and Bartes was not used during this interval. (Per JMWAVE 0483 December 4, 1967). On May 27, 1965, SOD/AB/OPS/3 requested a Provisional Operating Approval to permit the use of Bartes as a (deleted). The Provisional Operational Approval was granted on July 20, 1965, and an Operational Approval was granted on September 9, 1965. Testing of the Subjects skill as a (deleted) revealed, however, that he was not qualified for the intended assignment. He was returned to the U.S. on February 11, 1966, without having been used operationally."

A CIA document stated: "Mr. Frank Bartes, former President of Consolidated Railways of Cuba (deleted). Bartes (deleted) cousin, a Cuban ballerina named Alicia Cruz Bustillo, who traveled with her group to many Communist countries, including China. (Deleted)." On December 20, 1966, Frank Bartes called the New Orleans Domestic Contacts Division office to inform that office that his mother had arrived from Cuba (deleted). He also stated that a cousin, a 29 year old Cuban ballerina, Alicia Cruz Bustillo, not a communist, and residing in Cuba (deleted). There is no record of Bustillo in Office of Security indices (deleted)." [CIA OS 12.28.67]

On December 23, 1966, the New Orleans Domestic Contacts Division sent the Director, Domestic Contacts Division, a memorandum titled "Possible Opportunity to Recruit Agent in Place in Cuba" from which the following was quoted: "On Tuesday, December 20, 1966, I received a call from Mr. Frank Bartes. He is an alien but have FBI approval to contact dated April 14, 1961." [CIA Pratt Memo 11.20.67] A memo of March 1, 1967, to Chief RI/DS from Director, Domestic Contacts Division, Subject: "Alien Interview: Frank Bartes" included the following: "This office has requested FBI approval to contact Frank Bartes as alien national..." [CIA 11.20.67 Memo on Bartes] In 1967 Frank Bartes applied for a State Department position as an escort-interpreter. What connection did this have to his offer to recruit an agent in place? An CIA Office of Security memorandum on Frank Bartes stated: "CIA Connection: Subject, an alien, former President of Cuban Railways, (deleted)." [CIA OS Memo 12.28.67]

On March 15, 1968, Frank Bartes advised the FBI that his life was in danger as a result of the Garrison investigation. [FBI 62-109060-6267] During the Garrison investigation the CIA requested "JMWAVE review Frank Bartes file to determine if Subject used operationally subsequent to January 1961, POA requested, Havana. Subject granted OA September 1965 for use by another WOMACE component but OA canceled February 1964, since Subject found unsuitable for proposed (deleted) assignment. In March 1967 (deleted) requested (deleted) approval to use Subject as FI source. In view of Subject's (deleted) contacts, his former CRC position in New Orleans and his contact with certain individuals involved in both Brown/Slafter and Garrison investigations, (deleted) interested in all phases of Subject's WOMACE activity." [CIA 11.28.67 cite 55281]

Claire Booth Luce, the wife of Time-Life publishing boss Henry Luce, was born in New York City on April 10, 1903. She was a socialite, playwright, author, and war correspondent, who was elected to the House of Representatives in 1943. Despite her own brief infatuation with Communism in the 1930's, Claire Booth Luce emerged as hard line anti-communist. She was appointed Ambassador to Italy in 1952 and embarrassed the Agency when she publicly insinuated that Italians would face unpleasant consequences if they voted for the Communists in an upcoming election. [Winks Cloak & Gown p388] In Italy, she contracted a mysterious illness, finally diagnosed as arsenic poisoning. The CIA was consulted, and determined the cause was paint dust from her bedroom ceiling. In 1959 she was nominated Ambassador to Brazil. Claire Booth Luce campaigned for Barry Goldwater in 1964 and, in due course, acted as an advisor to the Defense Intelligence Agency and was a member of the National Intelligence Study Center Advisory Board. She was also a member of the International Rescue Committee. In July 1973 NIXON appointed Claire Booth Luce to his Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board (Ronald Reagan appointed Luce to an identical position in 1982.) She was granted numerous security clearances. Henry Luce died in 1967 and Claire Booth Luce, 84, died of cancer in October 1987.

On May 17, 1975, the FBI "received information that during the years 1960 to 1961 former Congresswoman Clare Booth Luce financed operations of a fishing boat to transport Cuban citizens from Cuba to Miami, Florida. The Captain of the ship allegedly advised Luce that LEE HARVEY OSWALD and others were involved in the infiltration of a Communist cell group in that area and had discussed assassination plans. The proposed target of the assassination has not been identified. Luce instructed the Captain to notify the FBI. He later told Luce he had contacted the FBI and that he was immediately leaving the country. It is alleged this same group plotted to use dart guns which fired darts containing fluid intended to cause an individual to act in a peculiar manner. These darts were to be used against American tourists in France to create the impression that it was caused by some strange malady. The purpose was to discourage tourism and upset the international balance of payments. There is no information concerning names of individuals involved or time period. There is also the possibility that a dart of this nature was to be used against former French President DeGaulle. Note: On May 16, 1975, Deputy Attorney General Harold Tyler advised that he had received the above information from Roderick Hills, Assistant Counsel to the President."

This information indicated that OSWALD was working with, not against, an unnamed anti-Castro group.

Claire Booth Luce told journalist Veda Glasser: "I am a great friend of Bill Pawley. Pawley had been the Ambassador to several countries including Brazil. I got to know him well in China and India before we were in the war, because he had put together a thing called Flying Tigers which was a mercenary air force which for some time was the only air force fighting the Japanese in the orient. Bill Pawley was an American born in Cuba. Bilingual. He was used by the CIA before the Bay of Pigs to recruit Cubans for the operation.

"When the Bay of Pigs flopped, and before the nuclear showdown, Bill came to see me, and I suppose a number of others, and said 'Let's have a Cuban Flying Tigers,' but we used motorboats. Bill gathered a fleet of motor boats that took off from Key West to Miami, manned by these young Cubans, three to a boat, at least my boat had three. They would go into Cuba and bring back information about what was going on after Bay of Pigs.

"They brought back the first news of the missiles. We fed this to Ken Keating. On the basis of the news they bought back I wrote an article for Life in which I said this is going to happen and it will come to force. This was a month or two before the nuclear showdown in 1962.

"Anyhow, every now and then, maybe three times, my crew came to New York. Wonderful young Cubans determined to liberate their country. I got to know them fairly well. Then came the nuclear showdown and the President made his deal with Khrushchev.

"Bill Pawley was notified and word went down the line that the United States has now invoked the Neutrality Act, been on the books since 1923, and no one may leave the United States for any kind of mission in Cuba. Okay, that was it and the operation was off. No more free Cuba. That was in 1962 (year of the missile crisis). I never saw my young Cubans again.

"[On the night of November 22, 1963] my maid came and said Julio Fernandez (one of the young Cubans, can't remember if that was his name) called, very urgent. He had to talk to you about the assassination of the President. He was calling from New Orleans. He said, 'I was with your boat crew.' Said, 'Mrs. Luce, I must tell you something of tremendous importance. When the Bay of Pigs was over, government people came down to Miami and told us all we had had it as far as liberating Cuba. That we must disperse (you know they tried to break the Free Cuba Units in Miami).'

"He said 'I and these two fellows who were his pals, one a lawyer, one a doctor, came to New Orleans and opened a Free Cuba cell. We recruited, looked for people who would still work with us. Still determined to free Cuba although told to get out of Miami.'

"He said 'This fellow OSWALD came into our cell, and said he wanted to join. Said he had tried to be a communist, had become disillusioned. Said he could shoot Castro for us. Claimed to be the greatest shot in the world with a telescopic lens. We looked into him. He didn't have a dime. No money at all.

"We thought he was a crackpot. We thought also he might be a Soviet agent. So we just babied him along, and dropped him. Then we decided to follow him. He had the communist cell. We penetrated his cell, and took a tape recorder with us. He would get up there and say he could shoot anyone, including the Navy Secretary. We thought he was a little mad.

"Then he suddenly seemed to have a little money. We were interested because we thought his communist cell was getting some money. He kept going to Mexico City. He came back from Mexico City and went to Dallas.

"He said 'We have a tape recording of the things he said in that cell. We also have some photographs of him passing out communist handbills on the street. I'm telling you all things, because I think he is a Cuban agent, and he shot the President at Castro's instigation. What shall I do with the information?'

"I said 'What you do is call the FBI at once. Don't waste a minute. Go right in and call up the FBI.

"Then in San Francisco with my husband, when Garrison in New Orleans suddenly hits the headlines by saying there was a conspiracy to assassinate Kennedy. But didn't say who. Then I began for the first time to recall that night and things told to me.

"I thought I wonder if Garrison knows anything about the cell OSWALD ran in New Orleans. I got Garrison on the phone. No I didn't get Garrison because right away I knew I didn't have the boys names. So I called Bill Pawley. He tracked one of them down for me and gave me his telephone number and address. I called up Garrison. Told him just what I have told you. Hadn't been talking to him more than ten minutes when I said that fellow isn't serious, a phony, disorientated, as if he was making some sort of political pitch.

"Then I called up my young Cuban, reminding him of the conversation. This was about 3 or 4 years after. Said 'What happened that night?' He said, 'Mrs. Luce, we did just what you said. We got it all to the FBI. They came, took our tape recordings, took our photographs. Told us to damn well keep our mouths shut until the FBI sent for us. When the Warren Commission came on I was enormously interested thinking they would send for us, or ask us for a deposition. We never heard a thing.'

"He said, 'Mrs. Luce, I am married. I am a lawyer with a very successful practice in Miami. I have two children. The two other chaps, one was suddenly deported and one was murdered - stabbed to death in front of a shop window in Miami. I don't want any part of the Kennedy assassination. You couldn't torture it out of me.'

"What do I make of all that? I do not make of it what these wretches on T.V. make of it. My impression is that OSWALD was hired by the Cubans to assassinate Kennedy and that makes sense because the Castro Government must have known - in fact he said so - that he thought the Americans were trying to assassinate him."

This was different than the initial report, since it characterized OSWALD as pro-Castro.

"During those early morning hours she received a telephone call from one of her boys in New Orleans. He was wildly excited. He told her all the crew had been told by the authorities to get out of Miami. He and the other two crew members transferred their efforts to New Orleans where they had a Free Cuba cell. OSWALD penetrated their cell a few months prior to the assassination, bragged about his marksmanship and that he had recently returned from Russia and wanted to work for their Free Cuba Committee and join their cell.

"The young caller told Luce that his group did not 'like the cut of his jib.' They resented OSWALD'S assumption that they would hire someone to kill anyone. OSWALD said he could shoot the Secretary of the Navy. They kidded him along for a while. OSWALD wanted money and they told him they did not have enough for him.

"The boys then infiltrated the Fair Play for Cuba Committee in New Orleans. OSWALD spoke at a meeting and repeated that he could shoot anybody but added that he was a Communist. The Cubans then began to follow him around." [NARA HSCA 180-10099-10300]

Senator Richard Schweiker's subcommittee subpoenaed Claire Booth Luce. She called CIA Director William Colby on October 25, 1975, seeking advice about her testimony. William Colby recorded two telephone conversations between himself and Claire Booth Luce. Clare Booth Luce first met William Colby in the early 1950's, when she was Ambassador to Italy. William Colby reportedly said of Clare Booth Luce: "Clare Booth Luce took an intimate interest - and hand - in the CIA operations run out of her embassy..." [Syrokomsky, International Terr. & CIA KGB Press 1983] He also recorded a telephone conversation between himself and Justin McCarthy. He gave the tape to CIA OS. The CIA gave the FBI transcripts of the conversation. The transcript of a telephone conversation between William Colby and Claire Booth Luce at 12:40 on Saturday, October 25, 1975, as transcribed by Barbara Pindar follows:

Luce: I have a big problem, a case in conscience. I got rather deeply involved during and after the Bay of Pigs, and up to the time of the missile crisis, with a group called the Directorate Revolutionario Estudiante, the DRE. Whether you know this or not, it was me who fed the missile stuff to Keating. I knew a number of these leaders well; they were going in and out of Cuba, and I paid for one of the motor boats. Bill Pawley did too. The missile crisis came, and I got a call from Allen Dulles telling that the Secrets Act had gone into effect and that henceforth there would be no voluntary American efforts. That ended that, and I don't know what I was doing - maybe I went back to Arizona. Then came the assassination. The night of the assassination, right after OSWALD was caught, one of my boys telephoned me from New Orleans. Didn't I ever tell you this?

Colby: No.

Luce: It was my boat captain. It seems that after the missile crisis - a period of about a year had gone by - he said that all the young Cubans involved profoundly in all of this had to scatter and scram, that he and two of my other lads -

Colby: When, after the crisis?

Luce: [Yes. Were told] to leave Miami.

Colby: In 1962?

Luce: Yes. They were to stop efforts to free Cuba: and if they did not, they would be deported. It has a very interesting end, involving you. In any event, this one had been told to leave Miami after the missile crisis was over, and he had opened a New Orleans cell. He telephoned me to tell that OSWALD was - I am telling you what his view was - was a hired gun; OSWALD had tried to penetrate their little cell; all of this was done several months before the assassination. He said, - telling me on the phone, he was terribly excited - he said, "You see he had no money, all of a sudden he began to get money, so we checked him and he had a little 'Communists Be Free' or 'Be Fair to Cuba' group going in New Orleans." He said, "We had tape recordings of what he was telling his group." It was counter penetration that went on. He said, "We have photographs of OSWALD, passing out handbills on the street, 'Be Fair to Cuba.' He said, "We are absolutely certain that OSWALD was simply one of three assassination teams, that they were working out of Mexico City (or funded in Mexico City) by Fidel Castro." Then he said, "We have these recordings, these tapes, and we have these photographs, what should we do?" These fellows always trusted me. I said, "The first thing you do, the minute you hang up this phone, you telephone the FBI, give them everything you have got." Working in New York with these Cubans is an extraordinary fellow, one of the most puzzling characters I have ever met; he is a devout Catholic, Justin McCarthy. Justin is the American patron - although he has no money, never had any money. He never worked at CIA, although CIA tried to pick his brains. He tried to help the FBI. I knew Justin McCarthy, and he used to send me bulletins; he said he had been sending them to me for the past six months, I had never received one of them. Out comes the Warren Report. I have many other things to do, and I assume my lads had reported what they knew, and maybe it had been discounted, but I had taken the Warren Report at face value without poring over it - and I forgot the whole darn thing. Then, this must be nine years ago, up turns a guy named Garrison. And he hit the headlines that the assassination had been a conspiracy. Then it all flooded back into my mind that I had never been quite satisfied with what the Warren Report had brought out. Basically, I was troubled by the whole thing, so I said I thought I would call Garrison. In order to call him, I had to have the Cuban's names, which had gone out of my bean. So I called Justin McCarthy. He said my lad was in Miami. I got him on the phone, my fellow, and I said, "You remember your midnight call to me about the President's assassination, I want to know what happened after that." He said, "We went at once to the FBI, they took all the tapes and photographs, and all our information, and told us to keep our mouths shut. Shortly after that they informed us that if any of us talked to the press or anyone, dire things would happen." He said one of the fellows on the boat was deported to Guatemala or Chile, and one of them was murdered. He said, "I am a lawyer, have two children, I am making my way in Miami, and I never want to hear a damn word about the Kennedy assassination because you Americans really do not want to know the truth." He said, "We waited, expecting the Warren Commission would want to have us, and we never heard a word." He said, "I want no part of it." Then the Garrison thing died down, and I am a busy woman, and I forgot about it. Three days ago, a reporter was in here - a gal - asking about my life style and said, in passing, "What do you think of the investigation of the President's assassination?" I am afraid I hit the roof. I said, "I think everyone must be absolutely off their rockers. What possible motive would the CIA have for murdering their own President?" I said, "Even to assume such a thing is beyond belief, because where there is a murder assassination, there is a motive, and there could be no motive." I said, "Who had the motive was Castro, possibly just a bunch of Communists Cubans or plain Communists." Schweiker called me up yesterday - when the reporter said to me, "What is the name of the young Cuban?" I said "Well, lets call him Julio Fernandez." The Senator said to me "that is a fascinating story."

Colby: You told the story to Schweiker?

Luce: He read it in the Knight paper.

Colby: You told the story to the Knight people?

Luce: Not in the detail I told you. Schweiker asked if I could locate any of these men involved for him, and I said I would try. That was yesterday. I used that opportunity to say, "I do not know what you are doing on the Hill." I said, "You are in it for headlines and destroying the country's security." He said, "If you have this information and you can get your hands on it, it would be a good thing to lay this story to rest." He said, "If you can find me these people, I assure you they will be listened to in closed session." Now comes the big thing. Justin McCarthy runs a Nyack animal farm. I have known him to be a man of complete integrity. He is a devout Catholic. He may or may not be a fanatic. What makes one think he is, what he tells you is just terribly alarming; as he was the one, along with Bill Pawley, who involved me with these Cubans, I tracked him down and had a two-hour conversation on the phone with him this morning that was really staggering. When I said to him, "Would you tell these things in the closed session in the Senate?" he said, "I would find it more expedient to shorten the process and hire loud speakers and put them on top of the Empire State Building." He said, "You don't know, Claire, the Cubans have not lost their desire to free their country, and there are plenty of them working at it, and they trust me, and I trust them." He said "All these fellows on the hill give a damn about is a big headline and political attention, and if this should involve my testifying and some of my fellows got bumped off, or their apparat shut down, I could not live with myself, no I will not testify." I said, "You know, Justin, if they send for you, you might have to." He said, "They are not likely to send for me unless you tell them." He told me a story about working once with CIA. He said, "We did this - DRE did one operation with CIA, as a result of which all the Cubans involved were caught and killed, and I do not want any part with the CIA." He said, "It too can be a sieve." I said, "You have me really over a barrel." I said, "Justin, I have to tell someone, is there anyone you trust?" He said, "There is only one man in this whole country whose word at this point I would take." I said, "Who is that?" and he said, "Bill Colby." He said, "He is a daily communicant" -

Colby: No, no.

Luce: I did not disillusion him. In any event, if only to put my mind at rest since - he always says, which is fascinating if true, that my lads in New Orleans, yes, they did turn over the tapes to the FBI but they kept copies.

Colby: Really?

Luce: So he says. If so, you are possibly, if - I think you should get hold of Justin and give him a couple of hours because he has plenty to say.

Colby: I will report back to you by all means. Let me do a little homework on just where this (looks). You do not remember the name of the Cubans in Miami?

Luce: There are so many names; he talked to me so fast. He kept saying "Chilo." I asked who "Chilo" is, and he said that was his code name. Jose Antonio Lanusa; Luis Fernandez Rocha. One of those fellows was a Director of the DRE. Then he also reminded me a guy who used to come to see me - Cardona. (He had been told by the American Government to get out of Miami) and he died, having become the President of a university in Puerto Rico. These fellows were scattered all over the place. As I mentioned that to Justin, he said "I know where they all are."

Colby: Schweiker does not know about McCarthy?

Luce: He only knows this - I said there is one man I know who might be able to tell you where these Cubans are, and that is a fellow named Justin McCarthy. He said, "Where is he?" and I said, "I do not know, I have lost track of him." He said, "If you find him, let me know." After talking with Justin McCarthy, I do not want him to talk to Schweiker. I do not know what to say if he calls again. Knowing the Senator, I may never hear from him. I leave it with you. [NARA 1993.08.11.11:24:15:960060]

McCarthy: I am glad to know you, even if it is over the phone.

Colby: Mrs. Luce talked to me. She gave me a capsule version of some chat with you...I wondered if maybe we should chat about it sometime, or, quite frankly, you might want to go to the Senate Committee looking into this.

McCarthy: No. There are several reasons why not. I am sure we do not have to discuss them, but there are many reasons. I am sure we don't to discuss them, but there are many reasons. Over the period of time there have been so many things. We were the only ones who had the information about the missiles in Cuba for many months, and we beat our brains out trying to get someone to do something and regrettably in Washington there are too many political opportunists but there are too many lives at stake. We risked our neck for all these years. We are interested in doing the right thing.

Colby: I wondered if you could (slice?) off that New Orleans thing (and not go any further on that?)

McCarthy: As I said to her - (can't read the next few words) For me to be seen in Washington I do not want to blow my cover, but I would like very much to chat with you and tell you. (can't read the next few words). We do not trust anyone. We did so many operations for so long and we were entirely successful and never lost a man, and then one day we did an operation for the government and lost 22 men. Lives depend on it. Someone sent a Top Secret memo, and the one he sent it to left it on his desk and someone came in and read it and the men were arrested. She asked, "Would you talk to Bill?' I said I would. We think it would be a good idea -- for me to go down -- I do not want to blow my cover, but I would like very much to chat with you and tell you.

Colby: My problem is then I get the information and what are my obligations.

McCarthy: From the point of view of seeing how to do it through persons other than me -- to get the end result.

Colby: It might be that one of your fellows aware of some of the things (would not mind telling Schweiker?) under some protection and assurances of anonymity. That would be enough of a (can't read this next word) to get started.

McCarthy: There is plenty to get started on.

Mr. Colby: Then he could cut your people out as source?

McCarthy: She said it would be a closed door hearing. I said there would still be someone come out of the meeting and (can't read the next few words) their names in the press. You see Jack Anderson's column on Monday. It is vitally important and it is true evidence. It is not conjecture. I am concerned about what it ties into -- it is all the same ball of wax. We sat on the information about the missiles.

Colby: The only thing that bothers me is the story of the existence of some records (you?) still hold. The important part of that is that indicates some (part?) of a failure, or possibly even worse - that is the kind of thing that does need investigation or (correction?) - protecting you people that are in on it. The other possibility would be to ask Schweiker or one of his men, to go and talk to you or one of your people who would have factual knowledge of it. Let me talk with Clare again as to how to handle this. The main thing is not so much the overall stuff about Cuba - the main thing is the story about records, about OSWALD. That comes at a time when that is a serious subject of study here by the Congress. If we could in some way shake the information loose without putting the finger on any of your friends, I think we are sort of obliged to do this in terms of clarifying the record against the facts -- this is a very key aspect of it and a very serious problem that if it was suppressed at the time.

McCarthy: That's not all that was suppressed.

Colby: That is the thing. They are looking into it. Let me talk to Clare again and see if I can figure out some way in which we could talk to you maybe and if you could in the meantime think of a way of (can't read the next few words) out or (can't read the next few words) out this (feature?) of it so that you give the final results but not the sourcing and let the investigators find out their own source later on we would have done our duty. My problem is that I really can't sit on it with my obligations. I can be reasonable about protecting other people, but I also have to have the responsibility for responding to proper investigations of things that really should be looked into. [NARA 1993.08.11.11:30:35:620060]

Colby: I called Justin McCarthy. We had a long chat. He does not want me to do anything about it, but I said you put me in an awful position. I understand what you mean about his strong manner of talking. I think both of us are hung with a rather tantalizing story.

Luce: If I had not known the guy for 25 years, I would take him much less seriously.

Colby: The only real point is the thing about the tapes and the photographs and the allegation about the FBI. I tried to (argue?) him into figuring out some way of getting rid of those but keeping himself out of the act.

Luce: He called me back and said he talked with you and that you left him in a box, and I think he feels now there is some kind of a question of conscience involved. He said, "I am going to let you and Bill Colby decide what is best to do.

Colby: I said I would be in touch with you and try to figure out something sensible.

Luce: Why don't we suggest that he bring you or me - perhaps he feels safer with me - the tapes and photographs if he has copies of them.

Colby: And then you pass them over to Schweiker.

Luce: And let them decide and I will maintain his cover -- he keeps saying it is not worth it after all these years to blow that.

Colby: I think that is a good idea. You say that you and I have talked, and we are in kind of a box at this point, and we really in conscience cannot sit on this stuff -- all the charges there is remaining evidence (can't read the next word) was held back and disappeared into the FBI, and maybe the way to do it is for him to provide it to you, and you to Schweiker, and then I would just as soon drop out -- it does not really have much to do with me -- and in that way you would protect him from Schweiker, and you would say you got it from a friend -- and the source is whatever he and you agree on.

Luce: I will do that.

Colby: I think that is the best thing to do. If he does not buy that, I don't know what we do about Schweiker.

Luce: (I am going to ignore it if Schweiker comes to me.)

Justin McCarthy was on parole in November 1961 for armed holdup. The New York Parole Board suspected him of being a con man and contacted the CIA. It was told that Justin McCarthy had voluntarily approached the Agency in April 1961, and had several meetings with its representatives. [FBI 62-109060-7654; CIA Memo for Files 11.15.61 Harry A. Real]

The CIA was concerned about this flap, and put together a 1977 Task Force Report on Luce's reported contact with the DRE. Note William Colby's request: "I wondered if you could (slice?) off that New Orleans thing (and not go any further on that?)." Note that whoever called Clare Booth Luce knew about OSWALD'S trip to Mexico City before it appeared in the media.

The FBI checked its files in 1975 and found that in 1967, Claire Booth Luce had told New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison that Jose Antonio Lanusa [201-339,258], a leader of the DRE, knew about OSWALD'S activities before the assassination. Jose Antonio Lanusa denied this to New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison, and stated that all he knew about OSWALD prior to the assassination had been furnished by CARLOS BRINGUIER. HEMMING knew Jose Antonio Lanusa. Jose Antonio Lanusa, interviewed by the HSCA in 1978, recalled that on November 22, 1963, he and a small group of DRE members were at a Miami Beach hotel when they heard the news of the assassination. When OSWALD'S name was broadcast, he recalled the name as that of someone who had something to do with a delegate of the DRE. They went to their office and found BRINGUIER'S report from New Orleans, detailing his encounter with OSWALD. With it was a sample Fair Play for Cuba Committee leaflet, and a tape of OSWALD'S radio broadcast. One of them telephoned the CIA. FBI S.A. James J. O'Conner, who handled DRE matters in Miami, and conducted 16 interviews with Cuban exiles after the assassination, visited DRE headquarters the next day and was given all the material on OSWALD the DRE possessed. S.A. James O'Conner refused to give them a receipt for the material, nor was it ever returned. Jose Antonio Lanusa also related he had been introduced to Claire Booth Luce in 1962 by Justin McCarthy, the public relations contact for the DRE with the major New York media. Luce later wanted to publish a story about the DRE for remuneration of $600. According to Jose Antonio Lanusa, that was the only contact the DRE had with Claire Booth Luce. He found it doubtful she had paid for the speedboats. Jose Antonio Lanusa was the Subject of Inter-Source Registry No. 9518. A note dated October 29, 1962, in Jose Antonio Lanusa's CIA file, said there was no present contact with Subject. [FBI Miami 87-8756 George Davis 2.23.62] According to a document dated November 1, 1968: "SD 10658 is terminated without prejudice by the Department of the Army and additional information should be referred to the Army Source Registry." When Senator Richard Schweiker contacted the FBI about BRINGUIER/Luce he was informed: "CARLOS BRINGUIER, a DRE leader, appeared before the Warren Commission. He provided information relative to his group's contact with OSWALD during the Summer of 1963." [FBI 62-109060-7654 EBF enclosure w/h]

Jose Antonio Lanusa circulated the same story as Salvador Diaz Verson that linked Castro to OSWALD. [CIA 457-772] FBI S.A. James O'Conner questioned Jose Antonio Lanusa. The CIA insisted that his reports could not be declassified. [FBI 62-109090 NR 8.29.64] On November 23, 1963, Jose Antonio Lanusa, told FBI S.A. James O'Conner that on the evening of November 22, 1963, he had been in telephonic conversation with Paul Bethel. The two men discussed the possibility of Fidel Castro having ordered President Kennedy's assassination. The CIA reported that the attempts of the local FBI to determine the source of Jose Antonio Lanusa's information was "thwarted by Lanusa who used series pretexts when contacted to avoid naming sources and ultimately stated he had to check matter out with JMWAVE before divulging information. Local FBI called JMWAVE for assistance...JMWAVE had instructed the DRE not to dramatize facts, or attempt to slant news, but DRE continues pursue course of action...hope FBI query may inhibit future DRE spokesmen from making slanted or dramatic statements." [CIA D:200-5-41] Dr. Guillermo Belt, the former Cuban Ambassador to the United States from 1945 to 1947 advised the Washington Field Office of the FBI on November 26, 1963, that he had received a call from Jose Antonio Lanusa November 25, 1963 last, in connection Subject. Lanusa advised Subject appeared in Miami one or two months ago and attempted to infiltrate anti-Castro organization DRE. Subject stated he could train DRE members in guerrilla warfare to be used against Castro. Subject later observed in New Orleans passing out Communist literature and therefore labeled Communist and Castro supporter. DRE had nothing further to do with Subject." [FBI DL 89-43-699 NARA FBI 124-10159-10416] Jose Antonio Lanusa later retracted his statement that linked OSWALD to Castro.

DRE leader Luis Fernandez-Rocha Rodriguez (born May 3, 1939; 201-316,766), was formerly a pre-medical student at the University of Havana. He was granted a Provisional Operational Approval on April 18, 1962. He quit his job as Secretary of the DRE in July 1964 to pursue his medical studies: "(Deleted) September 1, 1964, under (deleted). He was to do some unwitting work for (deleted). There was no further indication in file that he was terminated, no quit claim, no OA or ROA cancellation."

Was "Julio Fernandez," referred to by Claire Booth Luce, Luis Fernandez-Rocha or Jose Antonio Lanusa? Or was he Juan Francisco Blanco-Fernandez?

BRINGUIER told the HSCA he never engaged in any paramilitary activities, knew Clare Booth Luce only by reputation, had never contacted her personally, and never told her anything about his experiences with OSWALD. During a follow-up telephone call he added that no one in the DRE had contact with Clare Booth Luce and that "the Committee would go down the drain like the rest of the country." [Outside Contact Report 12.2.78 Johnathan Blackmer; BRINGUIER telephone 504-523-5605] The HSCA concluded: "The evidence indicates that the Luce allegations, although related to certain facts, cannot be substantiated in the absence of corroboration by other individuals."

On February 20, 1964, the Chief, SAS, (Special Affairs Staff) requested that Pawley be granted a POA for use by JM WAVE on a continuing basis. In May 1964, Victor R. White granted the POA. On April 30, 1975, William Pawley became of interest to the CIA's Western Hemisphere Division:

MEMORANDUM FOR THE RECORD

SUBJECT: WILLIAM DOUGLAS PAWLEY

SF # 078 435

1. Subject, a U.S. citizen and former U.S. Ambassador to two Latin American countries, was of interest to the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency circa 1952 to 1954, apparently in connection with Agency (deleted) requirements. In 1959 Subject again became of (deleted) interest to the Western Hemisphere Division in connection with the Agency's activities directed against Cuba. At that time Subject was an executive with a private corporation in Miami, Florida. Subject was (deleted) in connection with WH Division's interest circa December 1959.

2. (Deleted) "making available to WH Division representatives in Miami (deleted) with his numerous contacts among Caribbean revolutionary groups, especially anti-Castro Cuban exile leaders." Cited request from the Chief, WH Division, indicated that Subject is a personal friend of the then DCI and that he had cooperated with the Agency in the past. Subject's file also indicates that the then DCI was made aware of the planned (deleted).

3. (Deleted).

4. (Deleted)

5. Subject's file does not reflect the results (deleted) given to WH Division representatives. Subject appears to have remained of interest to the WH Division and to the DCI until as late as 1964. [CIA D-00780]

On January 8, 1977, William Pawley shot himself in the chest at the age of 80. The bullet passed through his lungs, but he was still alive when the ambulance reached his home on Sunset Island, Miami. He died in the emergency ward of Mount Sinai Hospital after suffering excruciating pain. Pawley left a suicide note asked the forgiveness of his wife. Anita Pawley, his niece and secretary, said he had been suffering from shingles, a painful disease of the nerve endings. Pawley was not questioned by the HSCA as to the identities of his crew. HEMMING told this researcher: "Pawley was hit. People thought the cocksucker was going to come around and admit to having thrown some money into a fucking pot. Pawley had been blackmailed. People were shaking him down. I found one of the groups that blackmailed his ass. They were pseudo-assassins, and he had already paid them a chunk of money. You want me to come forth and make a clean breast of the affair? Look at how many people paid for it, got fucked, and got killed." HEMMING was asked if this blackmail related to the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. HEMMING: "It wasn't being put that way to him. It was being put that he had helped finance an operation like OPERATION CRYPT and that these people were demanding some satisfaction for loss of family members. A couple of them hinted it had something to do with Dallas. I talked to him when I came back from Peru in 1970. Nathaniel Weyl was there. There was nothing happening on Kennedy in 1970 at all." [HSCA V10 p87; Miami Herald 1.9.77, 1.8.77; Wash. Post 1.9.77; Office of Med. Exam. Dade County Case #77-62; CIA 12-14-75 p23; BARKER Depo. 76-1252-Civ-SMA USDC Miami; SOF 1975 issue #2; FBI 105-82555-5730, 5731, 5732]

OSWALD was again observed distributing pro-Castro literature on August 16, 1963. He hired two men from a local employment agency to help him pass out his leaflets: "I hired persons to distribute literature. I then organized persons who displayed receptive attitudes towards Cuba to distribute pamphlets...I caused the formation of a small, active, Fair Play for Cuba Committee organization of members and sympathizers where before there was none...I sought response from Latin American consuls of which there are many here in New Orleans..." One of these men was Charles Hall Steele, Jr., born November 5, 1943. On November 24, 1963, Charles Hall Steele, appeared at the New Orleans FBI Office in the company of his father, who is a Civil Deputy Sheriff in New Orleans, a Major in the Louisiana National Guard, and a candidate of Central Democratic Committee. "Charles Steele Jr. stated that on Friday August 16, 1963, he went to the Louisiana Employment Service, a State Agency, with his girl friend who was to take a typing examination. While waiting in the reception room for her to take the examination Steele was approached by an individual who Steele believed told Steele, his name was OSWALD. OSWALD asked Steele if Steele would be interested in making two dollars for about fifteen to twenty minutes work distributing leaflets. Steele stated he agreed, and met OSWALD at noon in front of the International Trade Mart Building, at which time OSWALD handed Steele some leaflets to distribute. Steele Jr. stated he did not look at the leaflets, but began handing them out to passerbys, and when he had distributed all of the leaflets he returned to OSWALD who was also passing out leaflets and OSWALD gave Steele a few more to distribute. Steele stated he then looked at the leaflets and discovered there was some wording to the effect "Hands Off Cuba." Steele stated he believed the leaflets to be communist in nature, threw them in a trash can and told OSWALD he wanted to talk with him. Steele stated that he and OSWALD then went into the foyer of the International Trade Mart Building where he asked OSWALD if these were not communist leaflets and was advised by OSWALD that it was a group connected with Tulane University. Steele stated he told OSWALD he wanted nothing further to do with the leaflets, was paid two dollars by OSWALD and departed.

Steele Jr. stated when OSWALD met him in front of the International Trade Mart Building, OSWALD was accompanied by another person described as white male, 19 to 20 years of age, about six feet, slender build, dark hair, olive complexion. Steele stated this individual was distributing some of the leaflets but did not appear to have any conversation with OSWALD, and it was Steele's impression that this person had also been hired in the same manner as Steele. Steele stated he could not identify this individual should he see him again. Steele stated he has had no prior contact with OSWALD nor any subsequent contact with him and knows nothing further concerning him. Steele, Jr. identified photograph of OSWALD as person for whom he distributed leaflets. Indices concerning Steele, Jr. his father, and his girl friend, Charline Stouff, negative. " [FBI NARA 124-10248-10130; FBI NO 89-69-70 11.24.63] On August 20, 1963, the New Orleans FBI Office received a letter from Jesse Core, the FBI contact at the International Trade Mart. The letter contained one of OSWALD'S "The Crime Against Cuba" leaflets that was stamped FPCC 544 CAMP STREET NEW ORLEANS LA." [FBI File No. 97-74-1A-1 A 5 181-10315] S.A. DeBRUEYS, who was in charge investigating the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, conducted no investigation. Mrs. M.D. Stevens of the CIA'S Security Research Section reported that one SRS Card existed on Jesse Core.

Carlos Quiroga (born January 27, 1936), was a member of the Cuban Revolutionary Front. His father was imprisoned in Cuba. His mother still lived there. Carlos Quiroga, who resided at 3134 Derby Place, New Orleans, Louisiana, was FBI New Orleans informant NO T-5. On November 27, 1963, Carlos Quiroga told the FBI that he "is acquainted with CARLOS BRINGUIER, DRE, New Orleans, and was aware of the arrest of BRINGUIER and two other Cubans along with LEE HARVEY OSWALD on August 9, 1963...Approximately a week later, August 16, 1963, he was seated in Thompson's Restaurant when the representative of Puerto Rico, who has an office in the International Trade Mart showed him Fair Play for Cuba Committee handbill telling Quiroga these handbills were being passed out in front of International Trade Mart. Quiroga notified police, but police arrived too late, and person passing out handbills had gone."

Carlos Quiroga drove to the address listed on the handbill. When OSWALD saw Carlos Quiroga was Cuban, he allegedly said: "Don't hit me. If you are coming as a friend come in." He said he met with OSWALD for about an hour. OSWALD told him Castro was not a dictator; all Cuban exiles were criminals; he hated Anastasio Somoza and believed that he should be eliminated; if the United States invaded Cuba, he would fight with Fidel Castro. "OSWALD claimed to be a student of language at Tulane University and to be the delegate for the Fair Play for Cuba Committee in New Orleans. He claimed that he was conducting private meetings, and would be proud to have Quiroga join them. He did not identify the place of the meeting or any other alleged members of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. Carlos Quiroga learned that OSWALD had a Russian wife, and he spoke Russian. Carlos Quiroga was given a membership application to the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. Following this conversation, Carlos Quiroga contacted Lt. Branch Martello of the New Orleans Police Department and offered to infiltrate the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, but he received no encouragement from him, and so took no further action. [FBI 62-109060-466,5263,5218, 105-82555-5263A, LHM 2.21.67] Marina Oswald told the FBI that " after the conversation, OSWALD told her that he strongly suspected that the man who had come was an anti-Castro Cuban pretending he was pro-Castro." Carlos Quiroga, contacted in 1994, stated: "He was a pro-Castroite, a Communist and a Marxist, that's a fact. I want to find out who in the hell was with him? I don't want to get into anything that hasn'