Later in 1974 STURGIS told Michael Canfield that he was watching television on the day of the assassination, possibly in Washington, rather than Miami: "Well, yeah, I love to watch television. Well, and regardless of where its at, I don't care if I'm in Washington, or anyplace, I'll watch television. But they've asked me that, like I said, they asked me where I was on that day and I told them 'Well, I've got no comment on that.' So I suspect that maybe I'll be dragged up there to Washington before one of those Congressional Committees, or the Rockefeller Commission."

As stated, STURGIS and Wilfrado Navarro testified before the Rockefeller Commission on April 3, 1975. Present were Staff Members William Schwarzer, Robert Olsen, James Roethe. During his deposition in HUNT V. ajweberman STURGIS was asked:

Q. Do you remember giving a story to anybody, especially Mr. Canfield, that you may have been in Washington, D.C. on November 22, 1963.

A. I don't recall.

ajweberman: I've got it on tape.

A. I'm sorry. Then one of us is wrong.

ajweberman: You said you didn't know where you were, but you were watching television.

A. Because I was home.

ajweberman: So you weren't working that day?

A. I was at home and I did leave the house. Supposedly Jim Buchanan came and told me that, I went with him and left the house with him.

Around this time Bernard Fensterwald and Richard Sprague circulated a story that on November 22, 1963, STURGIS was at a meeting in Washington, D.C., with Richard Helms, HUNT, and Cuban exile Enrique Williams. Sprague told a researcher: "HUNT was at a meeting of Operation 40 with Helms, Enrique Williams, Lyman Kirkpatrick. This was confirmed by Williams. Williams was a leader of the Bay of Pigs Brigade. Hanes Johnson told me Enrique Williams was at this meeting, and I confirmed it with Williams. Williams was a very honest individual, as any guy would be, who came under fire on that beach. If HUNT said he was at this meeting I would not believe him. Williams told this story long before Watergate. The meeting concerned the CIA putting more money up for another invasion of Cuba."

The notes of a Rockefeller Commission investigator indicated confusion about this meeting: "Check Bureau files on HUNT interviews in 1974. Did HUNT claim to be in the company of Agency officials on November 22, 1963? and give their names to FBI & claim they could corroborate his presence there? Check with HUNT'S lawyer regarding content of HUNT'S TV denials of Dallas matter in November 1974. Did HUNT say he was at work at Agency at 1:30 p.m.? (Taped by Kaiser.) HUNT refused to say who he was with. Contact Robert Blair Kaiser at Rolling Stone regarding whether he had recording or notes of his November 1974 interview with HUNT in New York."

STURGIS said that he might have been in Washington on November 22, 1963. The CIA planned to provide STURGIS with an alibi, and leaked it through their asset, Bernard Fensterwald. In 1978 STURGIS said he did not recall telling Michael Canfield anything about a meeting in Washington, D.C. This was because the CIA abandoned "the meeting in D.C." alibi, since it would have put HUNT and STURGIS together prior to 1971.

STURGIS told Rockefeller Commission "he was in Miami Florida throughout the day of the assassination, and his testimony was supported by the testimony of his wife, and by the testimony of his wife's nephew [James A. Hunt]. The nephew, who was then living with the STURGIS family, is now a practicing attorney in the Midwest." Rockefeller Commission investigator Pete Clapper: "I phoned James A. Hunt, attorney, Cincinnati, Ohio, 513-381-0656, before noon on April 1, 1975. I explained that the Commission seeks to ascertain the whereabouts of FRANK STURGIS on November 22, 1963. Mr. James Hunt said he wished to check with STURGIS, and then would call back. He called before noon this date and provided the following information:

"James Hunt was living with his aunt, Janet Sturgis, and her husband, FRANK, at their home at Northwest 122nd Street in Miami on November 22, 1963. James Hunt was attending Miami Day Junior College. He had enrolled there in August 1963.

"To the best of his knowledge, he recalls having an early class that day. Before leaving the house, he saw FRANK STURGIS at home about breakfast time. Hunt returned to the house in mid-morning. His grandmother was home. He took a nap. His grandmother awakened him to report there were news reports that the President had been shot in Dallas. James Hunt remembers they watched CBS correspondent Walter Cronkite.

"James Hunt reports that STURGIS returned home that afternoon and they watched T.V. He believes STURGIS was a used car salesman at the time. He is certain that it was a working day for STURGIS. Prior to STURGIS returning to the house in the afternoon, James Hunt recalls taking a drive around Miami during the afternoon alone. He recalls his aunt was upset by the T.V. reports. He recalls his cousin, Gale, a grade school student, was present in the household, and watched T.V. with them during the evening. STURGIS was at home that evening, he believes to the best of his recollection.

"James Hunt says the day stands out particularly in his mind because only five days earlier he had seen Kennedy in person. James Hunt and a friend were at the Miami airport the previous Monday. Kennedy happened to be arriving. They joined the crowd and watched him.

"Hunt agreed to draft an affidavit. I have given him my name and the Commission address to send the affidavit to." [RCD Memo Robert B. Olsen to Clapper 4.3.75]

James Hunt's affidavit for the Rockefeller Commission stated:

STATE OF OHIO

COUNTY OF HAMILTON

James A. Hunt, being duly sworn and cautioned, deposes and says that:

1. I am submitting this Affidavit to the Commission on CIA activities within the United States at the request of Peter R. Clapper, who contacted me by telephone and told me he is a staff member of the foregoing Commission.

2. The purpose of this Affidavit is to record, to the best of my knowledge, my recollection of certain events that occurred on November 22, 1963.

3. During the period August 1963 until May 1962, I was enrolled as a freshman student at Miami-Dade Junior College located near the corner of northwest 119th Street and 27th Avenue in Miami, Florida.

4. During the aforementioned period, I lived in the household of my aunt, Mrs. Janet Sturgis, and her husband, my uncle, FRANK STURGIS at 2515 Northwest 122nd Street, Miami. My grand-mother, Mrs. Elizabeth Hunt, now deceased, also lived there.

5. Taking into consideration the fact that November 22, 1963, is a single day which occurred almost 11 ½ years ago, the following is offered as my best recollection of the day.

A. As I recall, I had an early class at Miami Dade Junior College on November 22, 1963, and arose early enough to arrive at school at least before 9:00 a.m. It is my recollection that I saw FRANK STURGIS at home prior to my leaving for school that morning.

B. I returned to the STURGIS household sometime during mid-morning, probably sometime between 11:00 a.m. and 12:00 p.m. Since I had not eaten breakfast previously, it is my recollection that, upon returning to the STURGIS' household, I ate breakfast and retired to my room to take a short nap and do some reading prior to the late afternoon class which I had to attend on that day.

C. At some time between 12:00 noon and 1:30 p.m. I was awakened by my grandmother who told me that reports of an attempted assassination on the life of President John Kennedy were being broadcast on television.

D. I then arose and watched the news. It is my recollection that besides my grandmother, my aunt, Mrs. Janet Sturgis was also at home watching the television.

E. Later in the afternoon on that day, probably at approximately 3:00 p.m., I drove back to Miami-Dade Junior College to see if my afternoon class had been canceled.

F. Upon arriving at Miami-Dade Junior College that afternoon I discovered that the class had, in fact, been canceled; thereafter I took a drive through the city of Miami, contemplating the significance of the events of that day and trying to get some idea of their impact on other people.

G. I arrived back at the STURGIS household in the late afternoon, probably between 3:30 p.m. and 5:00 p.m.

H. Upon my arrival back at the STURGIS household, or shortly thereafter, I recall seeing my grandmother, my aunt, Mrs. Janet Sturgis and my uncle, FRANK STURGIS. It is further my recollection that the aforementioned persons ate dinner at the STURGIS household and remained there for the rest of the evening.

6. The foregoing represents, to the best of my recollection, a summary of certain events which occurred on November 22, 1963, the day on which President John F. Kennedy was assassinated. Further Affiant Saith Naught. James A. Hunt.

STURGIS said that he was at home, watching television, when news of the assassination was flashed across the screen. He said he was with James Hunt. James Hunt had a different version of events. He said that his aunt woke him up when the news was flashed, however, FRANK STURGIS was not there at the time. James Hunt told Olsen during their phone conversation that STURGIS returned home that afternoon and they watched TV before he went for his drive. In his affidavit he stated he saw STURGIS after his drive. He believed STURGIS was a used car salesman at the time. He was certain that it was a working day for STURGIS. STURGIS never mentioned anything about working that day. He claimed he was home, watching T.V. James Hunt could also be mistaken about seeing STURGIS at breakfast because this event occurred before the assassination and was less likely to be as clear in his mind as events that followed it. James Hunt said he had a very early class to attend. Why would STURGIS be eating breakfast at so early an hour if all he had planned for that day was to stay indoors and watch T.V?

James Hunt was contacted in January 1994 and asked:

Q. Was FRANK there when you were woken up and told about the assassination?

A. No, he wasn't there when I woke up.

Q. But FRANK said he was there.

A. Not in the afternoon. I never saw FRANK'S testimony. Where did he say that? FRANK may have his times mixed-up there. I must admit that part I don't remember. I got to say as I sit here, 'It's been a long time.' - What, 30 years? - But I don't remember FRANK being there when she woke me up. I'm not quite sure whether he was there when they made the announcement of his death. I certainly stand behind the affidavit I gave to the Rockefeller Commission. My recollection is that I saw FRANK early in the morning. I came home, laid down, my grandmother woke me up and said 'He's been shot.' I went out and watched the news for awhile. I had an afternoon class that day, and somewhere around mid-afternoon I went over to see if they were going to hold class. It turned out they weren't, and I drove around for half an hour or so and I got back. That was probably when I saw FRANK again, you know what I mean. Hell, that would be 3:00 p.m., something like that, yeah. 3:30 p.m. to 5:00 p.m. sounds about right.

Q. FRANK'S alibi was 'I was watching T.V. when the news came on about the assassination. My nephew was there, with me, when it first happened.'

A. I am not trying to be unfriendly, but I don't know what the purpose of this call is?

Q. I am trying to resolve this contradiction in the testimony.

A. He could have been there, but I just don't remember he was there.

RECOLLECTION IS A STRANGE THING. SOME HUMANS ARE MORE GIFTED WITH REMEMBERING CERTAIN EVENTS THAN OTHERS. BUT I WOULD HAZARD A GUESS THAT ALMOST ALL AMERICANS (WHO WERE ABOVE THE AGE OF FIVE) CAN, WITH PERFECT CLARITY, DESCRIBE WHAT THEY WERE DOING ON NOVEMBER 22, 1963, WHEN THEY FIRST HEARD THE NEWS BULLETIN FROM DALLAS, TEXAS, STATING THAT PRESIDENT KENNEDY HAD BEEN SHOT.

ON THAT DAY IN NOVEMBER, WHICH WAS A TYPICALLY WARM SOUTH FLORIDIAN DAY, MY HUSBAND (FRANK STURGIS) AND I WERE IN OUR BEDROOM. MY MOTHER WAS IN THE FLORIDA ROOM WATCHING TELEVISION. I RECALL MY MOTHER RUNNING INTO OUR ROOM DECLARING THAT PRESIDENT KENNEDY HAD BEEN SHOT. MY MOST VIVID RECOLLECTION IS THE EMOTION I FELT: DISBELIEF AND ANNOYANCE WITH MY MOTHER: FOR SURELY SHE HAD MISUNDERSTOOD OR GOTTEN HER FACTS CONFUSED. SUCH THINGS COULDN'T HAPPEN. BUT FRANK AND I WENT IMMEDIATELY TO THE FLORIDA ROOM TO LISTEN TO THE TELEVISION. AS SOON AS WE REALIZED THIS PRONOUNCEMENT WAS TRUE, FRANK LEFT THE HOUSE. I STAYED AT HOME, GLUED TO THE T.V. UNBELIEVING (LIKE PROBABLY EVERYONE ELSE IN THE COUNTRY AT THE TIME) AND YET MESMERIZED BY WHAT WAS BEING BROADCAST.

MY NEPHEW, JAMES A. HUNT, JR. WAS LIVING WITH US WHILE ATTENDING HIS FIRST YEAR OF COLLEGE AT MIAMI DADE. I HONESTLY DO NOT REMEMBER WHAT TIME HE RETURNED HOME FROM CLASSES, ALTHOUGH IT WAS PROBABLY EARLY IN THE AFTERNOON.

I DO REMEMBER THAT MY NEPHEW AND GONE EARLIER IN THE WEEK TO MIAMI INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT TO BE AMONG THE THOUSANDS WHO WELCOMED PRESIDENT KENNEDY ON HIS STOP-OVER IN MIAMI PRIOR TO A FLIGHT TO DALLAS, TEXAS. I ALSO REMEMBER, QUITE VIVIDLY, FANK (sic) AND MY (sic) WATCHING TELEVISION THAT SUNDAY AFTERNOON, NOVEMBER 24, 1975 (sic) WHEN LEE HARVEY OSWALD WAS BEING ESCORTED THROUGH A DALLAS POLICE STATION AND WAS SHOT AND KILLED IN VIEW OF MILLIONS OF TELEVIEWERS.

THIS MUCH I CAN ATTEST TO: AT THE MOMENT OF THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY MY HUSBAND - FRANK A. STURGIS - WAS WITH ME IN OUR HOME AT 2515 N.W. 122 STREET, MIAMI, FLORIDA. JANET STURGIS.

Janet Sturgis lied in order to provide an alibi for her husband. Her affidavit conflicted with that of James Hunt. The Rockefeller Commission did not mention this conflict, however the Rockefeller Commission concluded: "It cannot be determined with certainty where STURGIS actually was on the day of the assassination." This conclusion was derived from the fact that: "All witnesses directly supporting the presence of STURGIS in Miami, Florida, on the day of the assassination are family members or relatives. Less weight can be assigned to the testimony of such interested witnesses..."

During his deposition in 1978 in the course of HUNT v. ajweberman, STURGIS was asked if he was watching television at 1:30 p.m. (12:30 p.m. in Dallas)? STURGIS: "I don't remember, so many years ago, I don't recall, I think it was on all stations..."

Q. What were you doing about 12:30 p.m. on November 22, 1963?

A. On November 22, 1963, at about 12:30 p.m., I was at a party at my home in Miami, Florida, with my wife Janet Sturgis, my mother-in-law, Elizabeth Hunt, and my nephew, who was at my home at that time, James Hunt.

Q. Where was this home located?

A. 2515 N.W. 122nd Street, Miami, Florida, 33167.

Q. Is this the same home you maintain today?

A. Yes sir.

Q. Can you describe your movements on that day, to the best of your recollection?

A. Not really; it was so many years ago. I was at home, I did not go out. I have other people with the Federal Government that do have on record, that could testify or have already testified that I was in Miami on November 22, 1963...I have nothing to hide. The Federal Government knows of my activities, knows where I was at on that particular day of the assassination, and I am quite sure that the government - as far as I'm concerned - is well aware of who is behind -- if there was a conspiracy, I believe there was a conspiracy -- and they are well aware of who was behind the conspiracy.

Q. November 22, 1963, was a working day. Were you working at that time?

A. Most likely.

Q. Did you have any reason for not being at work that day?

A. Friday? No reason.

Q. What were you doing that day? You say you don't remember. Do you remember --

A. I don't recall.

Q. Do you remember talking to a Mr. Michael Canfield, the co-author of this book?

A. On that day?

Q. About the events of that day?

A. Yes.

Q. Do you remember what you told him?

A. Not really, it's been so --

Q. Could you have told him you were watching television?

A. Possibly yes, yes. As a matter of fact, I think my mother-in-law told me the President was assassinated.

Q. Were you watching television around 12:30 in the afternoon that day?

A. I don't remember; so many years ago. I don't recall.

Q. So you wouldn't remember what program was on?

A. I think it was on all stations. It was a continuation that day of the assassination.

STURGIS said that he was at home on November 22, 1963, watching T.V. and, at the same time, at work that day. He was asked: "Do you remember what you were doing for a living at the time of the assassination, what your job was or how you earned your living?" He responded: "That's quite a long spell. I would have to really wrack my mind to find out at that particular time what I was doing. Right at the present time, I don't know; but I could, you know, through records and so forth...I could look through them and tell you what I was doing that particular time...[I was] at home that day and did leave the house." STURGIS was asked:

Q. Are there any other witnesses besides your immediate relatives and Geraldine Shamma, to verify your whereabouts on November 22, 1963?

A. Yes.

Q. Who are they?

A. William Johnson, we call him Bill Johnson.

Q. Where is he?

A. He lives here in San Souci Estates in Miami, Dade County.

Q. Do you know anybody else?

A. His telephone number is 305-893-6013. Jim Buchanan, as a matter of fact, I believe Jim Buchanan came to my house on that date of November 22, 1963, him and I went off the day of the Kennedy assassination.

Q. Anybody else you remember?

A. Geraldine Shamma, Jim Buchanan, William Johnson, my nephew, Jim Hunt.

Q. What did you tell the Rockefeller Commission?

A. The same thing.

Q. But the Rockefeller Commission said your witnesses were only close relatives.

A. I'm sorry, you're right. I glad you brought that up because just recently, because of all the publicity, people did contact me and tell me, "Hey, you remember this, this, this? If you need any help, fine." Well, I told Fonzi and Fonzi supposedly , I'm not sure whether he had already been in touch with these people or not, but he is aware of these people I came across. So I turned it over - -

STURGIS said he had seen William Johnson and Geraldine Shamma that day but he was unable to recall the identity of any impartial witnesses. In June 1993 William Johnson was asked whether or not he was with STURGIS that day: "I was not there, no sir. I was not there."

Attorney Mark Friedman asked STURGIS:

Q. Were you with HOWARD HUNT on November 22, 1963?

A. I don't recall.

Q. "Yes"or "No"?

A. No. If I don't recall why should I say "Yes" or "No"? I don't recall it.

Q. Were you involved in a conspiracy to kill President Kennedy?

A. Never in my life. That is part of the polygraph. The United States Government knows where I was on November 22, 1963. They know where LEE HARVEY OSWALD was three weeks to the day of the assassination, working at the book depository. There is a witness that knew his whereabouts every day three weeks before. As far as I'm concerned I don't see how in the hell LEE HARVEY OSWALD could be in Miami riding with Marita Lorenz to Dallas, Texas, who she calls OZZIE, is the biggest fabrication of a lie she ever said in her life. I don't know how she could do it. Let her take a polygraph test.

On the morning of November 23, 1963, a FBI agent interrogated STURGIS. The Michael Canfield interview revealed:

A. Hey I can show you a clipping where they say I was involved in the assassination of President Kennedy.

Q. Who said this?

A. Newspapers, I even got investigated by that Watergate thing. They asked me where I was. I told them I knew nothing about it. I was home watching television. They felt the CIA might be behind it. So they wanted an investigation of E. HOWARD HUNT and myself on the assassination of President Kennedy. What the hell do I got to do with the assassination of President Kennedy? I may have disagreed with his policies and so forth, but that doesn't warrant killing the President of the United States. And they asked me about other attempted assassinations. I said yeah, Cuba. Some people say that if you attempt to assassinate people outside of the United States, wouldn't you be capable of the assassination of the President of the United States? I said, "Well, the thought never entered my mind." But I'm capable of doing many things. I'm that type of a man. But I see no grounds for me doing something like that. You know, he was my Commander-in-Chief.

Q. What about other people in the CIA?

A. The CIA had a lot of different factions, some of which I didn't trust.

Q. Are you convinced the Warren Commission Report was correct?

A. On what?

Q. On the Kennedy assassination.

A. Let me tell you something about the Report. Nobody knows what's in that Report. Only what they wanted to give out. And I don't believe the report is complete. I think there is a conspiracy involved in the assassination of President Kennedy and they covered it up.

Q. Who do you think did it?

A. I don't have the slightest idea. But I think its one big coverup.

Q. That's strange they would investigate you for that.

A. Well, they sure did. I had FBI agents over at my house.

Q. For the assassination?

A. Yeah.

Q. When, right after it happened?

A. Right after it happened.

Q. Why did they come to you?

A. I asked them that. They told me I was one person they felt had the capabilities to do it. Heh, heh, heh. They said: "FRANK, if there is anybody capable of killing the President of the United States, you're the guy that can do it." Heh, heh, heh that's funny I told them, "I'm not mad at you or nothing, I had nothing to do with it, but that amuses me..."

STURGIS also told Canfield: "You have to look at my past. I've done a lot of things. I've been on assassination attempts. I was involved in so many things. Skulduggery, intrigue, espionage.

Q. When you say assassination attempts?

A. Well, in foreign countries.

In 1978 STURGIS stated: "Now the FBI did make contact with me after President Kennedy's assassination, yes...I was questioned by the FBI shortly after the assassination. They did come and visit me and question me about my activities during President Kennedy's assassination." STURGIS was asked:

Q. Do you remember one of those agents indicating to you the following words: "FRANK, you are one of the few people in this country capable of pulling off something like this?"

A. No. The agent told me that I was one person in this country that could possibly do this, if I wanted to.

The notes of Rockefeller Commission investigator Robert Olsen revealed: "Whereabouts November 22, 1963: In Miami, at home, two FBI Agents came to visit him. Bob Dwyer was one. To find out his whereabouts & to get help. Witnesses: His wife Janet Sturgis (Married since 1961) wife's nephew, Jim Hunt (Cincinnati, Ohio, Attorney)."

In 1976 STURGIS told United Press International that he was requested to conduct an investigation of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy by an un-named government agency. The CIA obtained this article and commented: "The Washington Star on July 9, 1976, carries an article entitled "RUBY Met with Castro, STURGIS Says." In the article, STURGIS claims he knew that JACK RUBY met in Havana with Fidel Castro ten weeks before the assassination of President Kennedy and discussed 'the removal of the President.' STURGIS claims, according to the article, that he had been assigned to investigate possible involvement of Cuban exiles in the Miami area in the Kennedy assassination. The article also states that STURGIS refused to say for what Agency he was working, or gave him the assignment, but the article indicated that STURGIS was working for the CIA at the time. For the record, STURGIS continues to allege a CIA relationship, but no such relationship has ever existed." This information was sent to Richard Helms from (deleted). The DD/P signed under "Concur." [Allen v. DOD 7.9.76 CIA 19251-0807] The CIA's Office of the Inspector General generated an index card on July 9, 1976, that contained the words assassinations, J.F. Kennedy, S.D. Breckinridge, STURGIS, Mr. Buchen, Tom White, Jack Ruby, BERNARD BARKER, Joe Loftus, Washington Star, Bob Wall, Chris Hopkins, (Deleted) and was titled "Assassinations - JFK TAB 25 MFR by Breckinridge. Subj: White House Inquiry re FRANK STURGIS." The CIA's Office of the Inspector General generated an index card on August 17, 1976, that contained the names "George K. McConnell, STURGIS, Dennis Berend, MAG Members, UPI that was a memo for MAG Members, Subject, STURGIS' Claims, reference, Memo, undated, from George K. McConnell (ER 76-8949) from George K. McConnell, from Dennis Berend, Deputy Assistant to DCI." [CIA IG FILE #57, Tab 2] Berend was an Assistant Public Affairs Officer.

Immediately following the Kennedy assassination James Buchanan, FRANK STURGIS, JOHN MARTINO and others launched a campaign to blame the Kennedy assassination on Fidel Castro. The propaganda operation started with an article dated November 26, 1963, which appeared the in Pompano Beach Sun-Sentinel that quoted STURGIS: "OSWALD was in Miami in November 1962 [OSWALD had been in Miami in December 1962] and had contact with Miami-based supporters of Fidel Castro who were agents of the G-2. OSWALD gave out his Fair Play for Cuba Committee literature, and Jerry Buchanan, who was with my group, did tell me there was a possibility that OSWALD was in the area, and that he had a fight with OSWALD." Buchanan claimed he knew the name of the printer where OSWALD had his literature printed.

STURGIS was questioned about this during his deposition in HUNT V. ajweberman:

Q. Do you remember Mr. Buchanan giving out a news story that alleged that LEE HARVEY OSWALD was in Miami in 1963?

A. Oh yes! As a matter of fact, his brother, Jerry Buchanan, was one of the people that was with my group and Jerry did give me some information to the fact that he thought there was a possibility that one of the persons, now, you must remember that during that particular time there were hundreds of Americans in the area, plus Canadians, in this area here, trying to make contact with various Cuban groups in order to be involved against Cuba, and Jerry did tell me that there was a possibility that OSWALD was in this area and that he had a fight with OSWALD. He wasn't sure but this was what he told me.

On November 27, 1963, STURGIS told S.A. James O'Conner that his comments in the article were guesses and speculation, and that he had no hard information. S.A. James O'Conner sent a report to Washington concluding that STURGIS was unreliable, and that his story had no basis in fact. The reports of S.A. James O'Conner in which STURGIS linked OSWALD to Fidel Castro were withheld. [FBI 62-109090-63rd NR 172 Hoover]

On April 22, 1964, the Director of the FBI sent this message to the Miami Field Office: "Bureau also desires Jim Buchanan to be interviewed in order to pin down, once and for all, wild statements concerning alleged activities of OSWALD in Florida which for the most part appear to emanate from MARTINO and Buchanan. If Buchanan uncooperative, set forth results in LHM form suitable for dissemination to President's Commission at which time consideration will then be given to suggesting Buchanan as well as MARTINO be subpoenaed before President Commission. Handle promptly and surep results." [NARA FBI 124-10035-10367]

The FBI reported: "James Buchanan, former reporter for the Pompano Beach Sun-Sentinel, stated he has no personal or first hand knowledge of OSWALD or OSWALD'S activities. He stated his newspaper stories on OSWALD were obtained from sources he regarded as reliable, whose accuracy he did not question. He declined to reveal the identity of a printer at Miami whom he alleges printed pro-Castro literature for OSWALD. Concerning the alleged fight between his brother, Jerry Buchanan, and OSWALD, he maintains this information was received from a Cuban named Sanchez, a member of the organization 'Los Pinos Nuevos,' and has never talked to his brother about this alleged fight. He says he knows no person who was a witness to the presence of OSWALD in Miami, but thought his brother, Jerry Buchanan, should be contacted in that respect. When informed that his brother had been contacted and had furnished a varying account, Buchanan said he knew only what Sanchez had told him. Efforts to identify Sanchez through anti-Castro organization Los Pinos Nuevos, or through interview of one Jesus Sanchez, resulted negatively."

A second article in the Pompano Beach Sun-Sentinel stated: "OSWALD tried to infiltrate several other major organizations in Miami, including the Anti-Communist Brigade, which is headed by Major FRANK STURGIS, a former Commander in Castro's Air Force. STURGIS said his outfit turned down OSWALD'S application, because they could not find out anything about his background. STURGIS told me, 'We have already established that he was in contact with G-2 agents while here in Miami. We are trying to get the billing record from the telephone company. He called Havana. OSWALD was known to have a bad temper while here in Miami...His other G-2 connections were in Mexico this past summer, and in New Orleans, just five weeks ago. We are in the process of checking out the leads. We already have a few names and places. Men are on the scene interviewing people who may have witnessed the meeting in Mexico City and in New Orleans...'" The Miami FBI Office responded: "The Miami Office does not contemplate interview of Jim Buchanan inasmuch as the previous concerning an article by Buchanan, reported in Miami report dated January 25, 1964, in instant caption, reflected that Buchanan deals in rumors an unverified information which he attributed to anonymous sources." [FBI Rep. of James O'Conner 4.4.64]

Allen Courtney suggested that S.A. James O'Conner interview JOHN MARTINO, but MARTINO was traveling from city to city on a lecture tour for the John Birch Society. Instead, S.A. James O'Conner interviewed JOHN MARTINO'S associate, Nathan Weyl, who told him OSWALD was a G-2 agent.

On December 2, 1963, S.A. James O'Conner interviewed MARTINO, who told him that a confidential source had told him OSWALD was in Miami in October 1962, and made several telephone calls to Cuba from the home of a suspected Castro double-agent. MARTINO said that when OSWALD distributed his Fair Play for Cuba Committee literature in Bayfront Park, Jerry Buchanan attacked him. In January 1964, MARTINO told one of his audiences that he had special knowledge of OSWALD. According to MARTINO, when OSWALD was in Mexico in October 1963, he caught a clandestine flight from the Yucatan Peninsula to Havana, Cuba. S.A. James O'Conner contacted MARTINO a few days after he made this speech. He told S.A. James O'Conner his source for OSWALD'S clandestine trip to Cuba was a high official in the Castro Government. On December 3, 1963, STURGIS supplied the CIA with information on a possible air strike over Cuba. [Index Card (Deleted)-04183]

On February 7, 1964, Helene Finan, Chief of the Office of Security, Security Research Staff, CIA, debriefed Hede Massing regarding her knowledge of the circumstances surrounding the Kennedy assassination. [CIA 3.26.64 03681; CIA 1288-1022] Hede Massing, a former Soviet spy who was once the toast of Vienna, had once been married to Gerhart Eisler, an agent of Moscow. Senator Joseph McCarthy used Massing to observe the behavior of American Government employees in Europe. Massing worked with Roy M. Cohen in this regard. [Senator Joe McCarthy - Richard Rovere, Tourchbooks, 1959] The FBI stated: "Massing worked, and might still work, for the Central Intelligence Agency." [FBI Dallas 100-10461-4075] ANGLETON'S Deputy, James Hunt, was in contact with Hede Massing. [FBI 3.31.64 Branigan to Sullivan; FBI 105-82555-2993, 2464, 2906]

Subject reported on various personalities she heard discussed while she was visiting Sylvia and Nathaniel Weyl in Florida from December 30, 1963, to January 8, 1964.

JOHN MARTINO

Mr. and Mrs. MARTINO visited the Weyls one evening when Massing was present. John Martino and Nathan Weyl are co-authors of the book, I Was Castro's Prisoner, which was published in November 1963. Massing, at this point, cautioned the writer to remember that all she was relating regarding the Weyls remarks were rumors, and or, gossip, and that source has no means of checking the truth of their statements. JOHN MARTINO is the individual who carries the stories to Nathaniel Weyl and both JOHN and Nathaniel are deeply entrenched with the Cuban anti-Castro forces. MARTINO claims to have a friend in Miami who keeps him well-informed on Cuban matters.

MARTINO and Nathaniel spoke of a trip that MARTINO had made to Cuba with an American newspaper woman, one Lapin and two CIA agents. Nathaniel Weyl did not accompany them. It is Massing's opinion that Nathaniel, who is a coward, just welshed on the trip, but that he did finance it. The purpose of the trip was to contact a Cuban who was serving as liaison for the four Russian Generals in charge of training and organizing the Cuban military. The Cuban, who met the group in the water, at the edge of a beach in Cuba, told them that the four Generals wanted to escape and seek asylum in the United States. MARTINO is going ahead with a follow-up plan whereby on a given signal, he and a group would sail to Cuba to pick up the Generals. Weyl is going on a long lecture tour and will not be able to accompany the pick-up team to Cuba.

LEE HARVEY OSWALD

The Cuban friends of the unnamed individual in Miami know that OSWALD contacted the Cuban MI-6 by telephone from a private home in Miami. They also know the man who furnished the information on OSWALD to the FBI.

From the reports given by the Cubans to this unknown individual, it seems very definite that RUBY went to Havana to make a shady deal with a creature by the name of Praskin, who works with the Cuban Communists and who is also tied up with call girls in Cuba.

A friend of Weyl, who ran for the Presidency of Cuba in 1958, shortly will testify before the Senate Internal Security Committee. Massing says this information may be confidential. Sourwine of the Committee, contacted Weyl to get in touch with this individual. [Massing Debriefing 2.7.64 Helene Finan NARA 1993.08.04.18:45:23:780037]

On February 27, 1964, a memorandum from William Branigan to William C. Sullivan was generated:

"CIA has furnished a memorandum through Liaison channels indicating that according to a confidential and reliable source, whose sources are unknown, LEE HARVEY OSWALD allegedly was telephonically in contact with MI-6 (Cuban Intelligence) from a private home in Miami, Florida. Further allegations indicate JACK RUBY, alleged assassin of OSWALD, went to Havana, Cuba, to make a shady deal with 'Praskin' who works with the Cuban Communists and was a dope pusher used by the Communists; that a friend of the source claims there is more to Marina Oswald than meets the eye; that Marguerite Oswald, mother of the Subject, is an old line communist and that OSWALD'S return to the United States was part of a Russian 'gimmick.'

"CIA has confidentially advised that source of the above data is Hede Massing, a resident of New York City known to the Bureau and CIA, and CIA has no objection to this Bureau contacting her and advising that the information furnished by her to the CIA had been furnished to the FBI.

"Bureau files reveal Massing is a former Soviet agent who defected in 1938. She has been utilized by the CIA and has been a source of information of the New York Office since 1947 concerning Soviet espionage. By letter February 4, 1964, captioned 'Foreign Political Matters -Cuba - IS - Cuba. New York' submitted information furnished by Massing concerning JOHN MARTINO and Nathaniel and Sylvia Weyl, which information was similar to that furnished by the CIA in the above-mentioned memo; however, the data concerning OSWALD and RUBY above apparently was not furnished to the New York Office by Massing.

"MARTINO has previously been interviewed by Miami, at which time he pretended greater knowledge of Cuban affairs than he actually possessed. He also indicated various statements made concerning LEE HARVEY OSWALD were based on information received from unidentified Cuban aliens, and he no firsthand knowledge or information concerning OSWALD. The unnamed individual in Miami referred to by Massing on page 2 of CIA memo could possibly be MARTINO."

"By airtel February 26, 1964, New York was instructed to immediately re-interview Massing for all the information in her possession concerning the OSWALD matter, specifically ascertain basis for all statements made by her to the CIA and immediately set forth additional leads necessary to definitely pin down these allegations." [FBI 105-82555-2464; Branigan to Sullivan 2.27.64] J. Edgar Hoover initialed and expedited this memorandum.

On March 3, 1964, Sam Papich generated a Confidential Memorandum on MARTINO which was withheld. [FBI 64-44828-8 Sam Papich to D.J. Brennan; NR 3.11.64]

S.A. James O'Conner had received orders from J. Edgar Hoover: "With regard to the information furnished by MARTINO, Bureau desires that MARTINO be pressed to force production of his source in order to pin down this allegation. If he continues to be evasive and uncooperative on this point, set forth results of recontact with him in LHM form suitable for dissemination for President's Commission. Consideration with then be given to suggesting MARTINO be subpoenaed before President's Commission." [FBI 105-82555-33199 - page 2 w/h] On March 13, 1964, S.A. O'Conner interviewed Nathaniel Weyl, who said he "was not sure of the identity of his source, with respect to the information that LEE HARVEY OSWALD had contacted the Cuban intelligence by telephone from a private home in Miami. He said that his source for this information may have been a newspaper article written by James Buchanan. He recalled that Buchanan had quoted FRANK STURGIS, described as an individual active in the Cuban situation at Miami, as stating that STURGIS knew that OSWALD had made such a call from Coral Gables, Florida, to the Cuban intelligence office in Miramar, Havana, Cuba. Mr. Weyl said his source for this information may have been JOHN MARTINO, who, in turn, may have obtained the information from either BUCHANAN or STURGIS...With respect to the information that JACK RUBY had made a trip to Havana, Cuba, to deal with an individual named PRASKIN, Mr. Weyl stated he had been informed of this by an old friend, Carlos Marquez Sterling, resident at Washington, D.C...Mr. Weyl said he did believe that OSWALD had been in Miami, Florida, in the past, and it was his recollection that Jim Buchanan, or possibly the latter's brother, Jerry Buchanan, had told him that OSWALD had attempted to infiltrate anti-Castro groups in Miami, but had been rejected by these groups because he was uncommunicative as to his background. Mr. Weyl said that it was probably Jim Buchanan who told him that his brother Jerry had been involved in a scuffle with OSWALD in downtown Miami, and that Jerry Buchanan had punched OSWALD. Mr. Weyl said this incident was supposed to have occurred when OSWALD was observed distributing some pro-Castro literature in Miami...He said he recalled that OSWALD reportedly attempted to join the anti-Castro organizations known as the Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil (DRE) (Cuban Student Revolutionary Directorate), and Unidad Revolucionario (UR) (Revolutionary Unity). Mr. Weyl said he had no corroborative information concerning the alleged stay of OSWALD in Miami, other than the news articles by Jim Buchanan and contact with Fernando Cabada, described as a leader of UR."

S.A. O'Conner interviewed Fernando Fernandez Cabada, who said he never furnished information to the Weyls regarding OSWALD.

On March 24, 1964, S.A. James O'Conner re-interviewed MARTINO. "With respect to information that Cuban friends of MARTINO knew that OSWALD had contacted the Cuban Intelligence Service in Cuba by telephone from a private residence in Miami, Florida, MARTINO claimed this was correct information. He refused to identify the source of such information, claiming that to pinpoint the source could conceivably result in harassment, if not more serious consequences, to the source or his family in Cuba.

"MARTINO stated the information concerning such an alleged telephone call by OSWALD to Cuban intelligence did not originate with his friend, Felipe Vidal Santiago, a Cuban exile active in anti-Castro activities. He also stated the information had not originated with STURGIS, an American citizen residing in Miami, who has been engaged in anti-Fidel Castro activities, and who headed an organization called the Anti-Communist International Brigade. Mr. MARTINO stated that the information in this respect had not been received from James Buchanan, although he had discussed the information with Buchanan. MARTINO stated he would contact his confidential source as soon as the latter had returned from Tampa, Florida, to Miami, expected to be March 22, 1964, and would seek to obtain his consent to interview by the FBI.

"With respect to the other alleged information that Cubans with whom MARTINO might have contact had stated that JACK RUBY had gone to Havana, Cuba, to engage in a shady deal with one (FNU) Praskin, who was also alleged to work with Cuban communists and be tied up with call girls in Cuba, MARTINO stated as follows:

"This information came in the form of a letter from Cuba, which was shown to MARTINO by a Cuban whom MARTINO said was named Jose Madero. He said Madero, a man in his late 30's, had infiltrated back into Cuba as of December 1963, and was thus no longer available. MARTINO said he had known Madero when he was incarcerated in Cuba during the period July 1959 to October 1962. MARTINO said the letter was not directed to Madero, but to another individual not known to MARTINO. He said he had no idea where the letter might now be located. He said the letter related that Praskin had a business on Sanja Street in Havana, and that he supplied American girls to 'Girlie Shows' operated by Chinese in Havana. He said the letter made no mention of the nature of the shady deal alleged to occur between RUBY and Praskin, and did not indicate when RUBY had gone to Havana or how he had traveled...

"MARTINO stated this same source had informed him that OSWALD had stayed in the home of a pro-Castro Cuban in Miami, Florida, and had paid this pro-Castro Cuban the cost of a long distance telephone call made from the home of the pro-Castro Cuban to Cuba. MARTINO further stated that according to his source, the pro-Castro Cuban, after the assassination had occurred, made the statement, 'I didn't think it would go this far.' in referring to OSWALD.

"MARTINO said that additional information to establish that OSWALD had been in Miami was received was received by him from Jim Buchanan. He said he used to give a lot of stories on the Cuban situation to Buchanan, and during the days immediately following the assassination, Buchanan, during a telephone call, told him that Buchanan's brother, Jerry Buchanan, had a fistfight with LEE HARVEY OSWALD at Miami, Florida, about a year prior to the assassination. According to MARTINO, OSWALD at that time was attempting to get aboard a boat [Alexander Rorke's Violyn III] that was being used by Jerry Buchanan and anti-Castro exiles in connection with their anti-Castro plans. Mr. MARTINO told Jim Buchanan that he intended to use this information in his speeches if it were true, and Buchanan told him to go ahead and do so. Mr. MARTINO stated he never used the information, however, because he considered it 'confidential to the government' and he was 'Not fighting that battle.'"

MARTINO also told S.A. O'Conner that OSWALD had secretly flown from the Yucatan Peninsula in Mexico, to Cuba, and that his source had the name of the printer in Miami OSWALD used to run-off his Fair Play for Cuba Committee leaflets, and even had a copy of the check OSWALD used to pay the printer. The funds had been withdrawn from the account of the Miami Chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee .

The FBI: "The only hearsay readily traceable to origin is alleged fight between OSWALD and Jerry Buchanan at Miami about beginning of 1963. MARTINO has in the past pretended greater knowledge of Cuban affairs than he actually possessed, and has declined to divulge his sources. Instructions previously furnished Miami to pin MARTINO down and attempt to press to force production of his source. During interview on March 26, 1964, Jerry Buchanan stated he was one of a group which fought with members of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee distributing pro-Castro literature, Bay Front Park, Miami, in October 1962. Following assassination, he recognized OSWALD as having been one of the members of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee which his group had fought. Also stated OSWALD had been in Miami in March 1963, distributing pro-Castro literature, and stated his brother, James Buchanan, a newspaper reporter, has specific information concerning OSWALD'S being in Miami during these periods. This should be pinned down and run out as above." [NARA FBI 124-10035-10367] When the FBI checked Jerry Buchanan's parole records, it found that he was released from the Florida State Penitentiary on October 16, 1962, and was in Tampa, Florida, during the period October 21, 1962, to October 30, 1962. HEMMING told this researcher: "Jerry Buchanan wasn't in the can. He's on the streets. How the fuck do they know where he is? He might have been down rolling fags in the Men's Room at Bay Front Park."

On April 7, 1964, S.A. James O'Conner questioned STURGIS again. STURGIS said he had "quit the IACB because James Buchanan had called John Kennedy a Communist." STURGIS denied hearing about a fight in Bayfront Park between OSWALD and Buchanan.

On April 27, 1963, after many visits from S.A. James O'Conner, MARTINO told him that his source was coming to Miami for a meeting of Manuel Artime's group, MRR. MARTINO agreed to approach him on behalf of the FBI. MARTINO was warned that unless this matter was resolved, he would be called before the Warren Commission. MARTINO'S response was: "What can they do, put me in jail?" The SAC of the Miami Field Office stated: "As pointed out in referenced Miami teletype, Miami considers MARTINO to be unreliable. It is further believed that MARTINO would probably welcome a subpoena before the President's Commission, as it would add to his stature, and furnish him additional notoriety on which to capitalize in his lecture engagements which he gives on Communism and Cuba. It is felt, however, he would be as equally evasive with the President's Commission as he was with the Miami Office, and there is no evidence to indicate he could furnish the Commission with anything but untraceable hearsay and speculation." [FBI 105-82555-3995] The FBI briefly considered having James Buchanan testify before the Warren Commission. [FBI 105-82555-2993]

S.A. James O'Conner conducted his final interview with MARTINO on May 11, 1964. MARTINO told him Cuban exile "Oscar Ortiz" was his source for his information on OSWALD. S.A. James O'Conner had the Immigration and Naturalization Service check its files for Oscar Ortiz; it found no such person. The Immigration and Naturalization Service informed S.A. James O'Conner that MARTINO had previously furnished it with erroneous information based on a nonexistent source.

STURGIS told S.A. James O'Conner that he personally "could not remember OSWALD." In 1975 STURGIS told this to Robert Olsen of the Rockefeller Commission: "Doesn't ever recall meeting OSWALD. Doesn't know of his (OSWALD) ever coming to Miami. Had no part, direct or indirect, with assassination of the President. Has made past investigation of Kennedy assassination. Thinks there could have been conspiracy...Has been in Dallas several times. Not at time of assassination. Never met Ruby. Feels its more than just speculation. Lots of hatred vs. Kennedy among Cubans. Very good probability that there was a conspiracy. Some kooks on Tel. have something to say about Kennedy assassination. Radical left can't stand idea that is was one of their own that shot Kennedy. CIA can't control everybody connected with Agency. Could be a question about contract agents. Warren Commission was put there to write the history as government wanted it - not to tell the whole truth. Thinks there's lots of evidence, yet, of conspiracy to be found in Miami. Never met any of the Dallas Derelicts. Miami was hotter anti-Kennedy place than Dallas. Cubans there were upper class and middle class. Stole their way to wealth in Cuba and are now engaged in Cuban crime wave on East Coast. Now have Cuban crime syndicate in U.S. This was the group recruited by Company to overthrow Castro."

When S.A. James O'Conner asked STURGIS if he had another source linking OSWALD to the G-2, STURGIS referred him to MARTINO. MARTINO'S source did not exist. On another occasion, when STURGIS was asked for the name of his source, STURGIS pointed to James Buchanan. When James Buchanan was asked for his source, he pointed to STURGIS. These guys were the Tweed Gang of disinformation.

The second James Buchanan article in the Sun-Sentinel that linked OSWALD to Fidel Castro also accused the FBI of preventing the DRE from distributing information that would have supported James Buchanan's initial article. James Buchanan claimed that certain members of the DRE knew of OSWALD'S visits to Miami, and knew of the Bayfront Park incident. S.A. James O'Conner went to the Miami office of the DRE. Everyone there had no knowledge of the FBI preventing the distribution of any of the DRE's information on OSWALD, with the exception of DRE member Eduardo Diaz Lanz, the brother of Pedro Diaz Lanz and Marcos Diaz Lanz, who said he vaguely remembered the story. Eduardo Diaz Lanz had brought STURGIS to the DRE office several times following November 22, 1963, and said he may have given him the information during one of these visits. S.A. James O'Conner again questioned STURGIS, who told him that Eduardo Diaz Lanz told him that the FBI prevented the DRE from releasing proof of OSWALD'S G-2 connections. STURGIS told S.A. James O'Conner that Jerry Buchanan had told him about OSWALD'S visit to Miami, about his fight with OSWALD in Bayfront Park, and that OSWALD had tried to infiltrate the International Anti-Communist Brigade..

On December 21, 1963, the Miami FBI Field Office received information that one Hose Antonio Juan had received a letter from his son living in Cuba wherein it was alleged that RUBY had visited a Mr. Pranski in Havana in late 1962 or early 1963. On December 24, 1963, the DRE released a letter from a woman in Havana which stated RUBY had a meeting in 1963 with Solomon Pratkins, a G-2 agent who used a gift shop for a front. The FBI reported: "The statement that RUBY visited Communist Cuba last year, as attributed to a New Orleans Cuban exile, refers to one CARLOS BRINGUIER, a New Orleans delegate to the DRE." [FBI Memo Rosen to Belmont 2.11.64 44-24016-1110, NR 3.9.64, NR 3.12.64] On December 24, 1963, the DRE affiliate in Cuba published the Solomon Pratkins story in its underground mimeographed paper, Accion Cubana, founded in May 1960. [FBI-109-609-6] This periodical was allegedly funded by Fulgencio Batista. [CIA March 1, 1962 To: C/WHD from Chief of Station WAVE] The FBI requested by memo dated January 7, 1964, that the CIA attempt to verify this rumor through sources in Cuba.

On January 9, 1964, ANGLETON received a memo from (Deleted) Chief / Special Activities Staff / EDE: "Attached is a translation of a memo sent to Carlos Marquez Sterling. Sterling gave a copy to (Deleted) and Special Activities Staff/EDE asset, who passed it on to us." The Pratkins story came next followed by "This information, received in Miami were received by Brigadier of Brigade 2506, Evidio Pereira, who is ready to verify them. New York. December 29, 1963. Pereira is probably Evidio B. Pereira Acosta [201-298242]." ANGLETON reported to the FBI on January 30, 1964, that an unevaluated and unconfirmed report of a visit by RUBY to Cuba in late 1962, or early 1963, had been received from Havana in the form of an article in Accion Cubana. [CSCI 3/779,814] ANGLETON advised that the allegation could possibly be verified through one Pereira Acosta who resided in Miami, Florida. [FBI 44-24016-1047] In March 1964, the CIA reported that it's source who furnished lists of passengers flying from Mexico to Cuba could not locate RUBY, Rubenstein, etc. [FBI 44-24016-1222] MARTINO also told the FBI the Solomon Pratkins tale. On August 2, 1976, after STURGIS revived the Pratkins tale in the media, the CIA commented: "The Agency reported to the FBI in CSCI 3/779, 814 on January 30, 1964, that an unevaluated and unconfirmed report of a visit by Ruby to Cuba in late 1962 or early 1963 had been received from Havana. This report was actually based on a two page mimeographed newsletter entitled 'Accion' which was mailed from Cuba in an envelope postmarked December 28, 1963, purportedly by an underground anti-Castro group. This newsletter, received in Miami on January 13, 1964, by the anti-Castro group known as the DRE, was widely circulated in the Cuban exile community and was the subject of a newspaper article in the January 29, 1964, edition of the Miami News under the headline 'Ruby Visited Cuba -- Exiles Say.' R. Wall DC/CI/OG."

On December 3, 1963, the CIA reported that on:

1. November 27, 1963, the CIA Station, Madrid, received the following information from Source Two: On the morning of November 22, 1963, Amparo Godinez, the owner of the Marquesa De Cuba bar located in Madrid, overheard former Cuban journalist Baston Baquero tell Rosendo Canto Hernandez, editor of Accion Cubana, that he had received a letter stating Kennedy would be killed that day.

2. Source Two received information on November 26, 1963, from Maria Manuela de Canal whose address is Plaza Del Nino Jesus No. 6, 2nd floor, Apt. D, Madrid. Maria Manuela de Canal is a close friend of Amparo Godinez. Source Two en route JMWAVE area from Madrid and unable learn further details of alleged conversation.

3. Since (deleted) program requires that any contact between Source Two and Source Five not be revealed in any follow up on this information, Madrid Station may wish to center inquiries on Baston Baquero via liaison (deleted).

4. Have not passed above to (deleted) Miami.

On December 5, 1963, C/WH 3 cabled the CIA Station in Madrid:

1. Please follow up this case. Suggest you have Source 3 question persons mentioned to see if any foundation at all to this story. Imperative that Source 1 [Baston Baquero] not be revealed as source (deleted).

2. Please slug all traffic on assassination. [CIA 321-123]

On December 5, 1963, the CIA Station in Madrid cabled the Director:

1. Cuban journalist line 3 para 1 ref (deleted). Source 2 saw him on November 26, 1963, when President's death was naturally discussed. At no time did Source 1 [Baston Baquero] give any indication he had any advance word or rumor that Kennedy would be killed. If he had received letter reported para 1 or any other information concerning killing, however, will query him directly.

2. No index.

On December 7. 1963, the CIA Station in Madrid sent this cable to C/WH 4:

1. Source 1, [Baston Baquero] questioned by Source Two on the night of December 6, 1963. Baston Baquero said "he and Rosendo Canto Hernandez, Alberto Salas Amaro, and Jose Chelala Lopez after attending lecture together at Syndical Palace, Madrid, entered bar 'Marquesa De Cuba' at about 8:00 p.m. on the night of November 22, 1963. They were told by bartender, who was alone at the time, that President Kennedy had been assassinated. Salas Amaro called his wife who confirmed this, and group went to UPI office nearby to read the ticker. They later returned to bar to have drinks and then the group broke up.

2. Baston Baquero said Amparo Godinez was in the bar when group returned, but refused his invitation to drink and left almost immediately. This was the only time Baston Baquero saw Amparo Godinez during that day. He did not see him on the morning of November 22, 1963.

3. Baston Baquero said he received no word, verbal or written or even rumor that President Kennedy would be killed and any allegation that he made any statement to this effect at any time to anyone is completely absurd and absolutely untrue.

4. Baston Baquero added that Rosendo Canto Hernandez, editor of Accion Cubana who is a well-known American hater, was the only person in the bar to express satisfaction at Kennedy's death. [CIA 345-139, 315-119, 277-105; Allen v. DOD CIA 12129]

In mid-January 1964 STURGIS and James Buchanan flew to Panama and Costa Rica and investigated setting up a training base. The FBI had pressured The Sun-Sentinel into firing James Buchanan, to insure that no more of his "OSWALD in Miami" stories appeared. A FBI document dated February 5, 1964, concerning Orlando Bosch read: "Synopsis: FRANK FIORINI, admitted associate of William Johnson, (deleted) Dr. Orlando Bosch gave statement to press claiming that bombs would have been dropped on crowds in Havana celebrating 5th anniversary of the revolution on January 2, 1964, had not boat been seized carrying bombs to secret base in the Caribbean." On April 28, 1964, S.A. James O'Conner interviewed James Buchanan, who was employed by Caribbean Press Service, a subsidiary of the Agencia De Informaciones Periodisticas (AIP), a CIA front exposed by The Miami Herald. James Buchanan said that he knew the name of OSWALD'S printer in Miami, but he was sworn to secrecy.

STURGIS associate Victor Panque supplied S.A. James O'Conner with a story that linked OSWALD to a G-2 agent named Fernandez. The FBI documents about this interview listed S.A. James O'Conner as Miami SAC. Richard Davis played a part in the imaginary scenario of Victor Panque.

On February 25, 1964, (FNU) Hamblett told the FBI that "(Deleted) had told him that the CIA had approached the Christian Democratic Movement to offer assistance to Christian Democratic Movement group which is in some Central American country. Hamblett had already furnished this information to Naval Intelligence Unit DIO-3ND. FBI Bufiles indicated Hamblett was Subject of an Interstate Transportation of Stolen Property investigation in 1957 in which prosecution was declined." [FBI 97-4110-102] A highly deleted document dated April 8, 1964, stated Hamblett "told (Deleted) that the CIA agent's name was (Deleted) who made this offer, but nothing has ever materialized. For info of Bureau (deleted) DIO 3ND 90 Church Street, NYC." [FBI FOIA/PA #211,326]

On March 4, 1964, the FBI disseminated a lengthy Letter Head Memorandum about the Christian Democratic Movement, 90% of which was withheld. The only released section concerned Laureano Batista Falla: "Batista stated that military operations from the United States against Cuba would probably be continued by himself and other members of the Christian Democratic Movement. They prefer to work in Miami, Florida, area, because of its closeness to Cuba, good facilities for operating boats, availability of the large number of Cubans to serves as mechanics, and to do other necessary labor." [FBI 97-4110-86] On April 7, 1964, STURGIS was interviewed by the FBI "in connection with another matter." [FBI 2-1499-129 pages withheld] On April 21, 1964, U.S. Customs Agents raided the Headquarters of the Christian Democratic Movement and arrested the leader of the Christian Democratic Movement, Laureano Batista Falla. On April 27, 1964, the FBI generated a document about the Christian Democratic Movement and the DRE that was deleted except for the words "U.S. Customs." [FBI 4110-104 (?) 4.27.64]

In 1964 an Index Card was generated by the CIA concerning STURGIS which read in part "Ref DBA-82236 September 2, 1964, FIORINI, FRANK; FIORINI, FRED; FRANK, ATTILE; CAMBELL, FRANK; ATTILA, FRANK; BONELLI, FRANK. Suspected Cuban Intelligence Service Agent. Manager of Courteous Motors, Miami, May 1964." [Corr Card. #UFG 2194120] In a deposition related to STURGIS' lawsuit against the New York Police Department he said that in the 1960's he used the name Bonelli "in an operation in Central America. It was an operation to do, the operation specifically was to make commando raids against Cuban companies." [USDC SDNY 78 Civ.5113] The results of the FBI investigation of STURGIS during the period of December 10, 1963, to May 13, 1964, was withheld except for these paragraphs: "Information set forth in this report reflecting interview of Subject by S.A. James J. O'Conner is contained in an FD-320 located in Miami 105-8342, Bufile 105-82555, captioned 'LEE HARVEY OSWALD, AKA; IS-R-CUBA.' (Deleted) Miami is not recommending the opening of any cases based on (deleted) communication. For the information of the Bureau, on May 11, 1964, (Deleted) Assistant Supervising Customs Agent, Miami, Florida, advised S.A. (Deleted) that he had conversed with the Subject on frequent occasions over the past few months. (Deleted). The extensive period of this investigation was necessitated by various expeditious technical matters assigned to reporting agent. (Deleted)." [FBI 2-1499-129]

The May 26, 1964, issue of the Pompano Beach Sun-Sentinel contained an article captioned "I Flew Mercy Mission to Cuban Guerillas." The source for this article was "Manuel Fernandez" who claimed to be a member of the 30th of November Movement and the International Anti-Communist Brigade. The article stated that a twin-engine aircraft took off from a South Florida airstrip shortly after midnight, Monday morning, May 25, 1964, carrying cargo of food, equipment, one hundred and fifty thousand propaganda leaflets and a complete field hospital. Three persons were allegedly on the plane which flew a supply mission to 30th of November forces fighting guerrilla war in Eastern Cuba.

On May 25, 1964, the International Anti-Communist Brigade announced it had conducted a bombing raid over Cuba.

The next day several Congressmen inquired how the International Anti-Communist Brigade team eluded the air defenses of the United States on its return. The FBI reported: "On May 27, 1964, (Deleted), Chief Patrol Inspector, U.S. Border Patrol, advised he received a telephone call from Paul Rogers, member U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C., on morning May 27, 1964, in which Rogers stated following: Rogers had received information that an aircraft had asked for, and been given, a checkout inspection by United States Border Patrol on May 25, 1964, at Fort Lauderdale International Airport. A twin engine Beechcraft then allegedly departed at 12:30 a.m. that date from Tamiami airport, Miami, as a substitute for the inspected plane. It allegedly returned, undetected by radar, to the Tamiami Airport at 4:15 a.m. May 25, 1964. (Deleted) said his investigation had revealed no inspection or flight plans were filed during that period, and there was no report on radar of any unknown penetration of the air defense identification zone...On May 27, 1964, Arthur Eno, head of the FAA Miami advised he has been unable to develop any information concerning the flight as alleged by Representative Rogers." [FBI Miami 2-1499 NR 180 6.15.64]

On May 26, 1964, the Pentagon told a House Committee that investigations by four government agencies showed that a reported flight on May 25, 1964, by members of the International Anti-Communist Brigade to Cuba, did not take place, and was a concocted publicity story. The Defense Department issued a press release which stated that the raid never occurred. [FBI 2-1499-131, 132] The Associated Press reported that the U.S. Defense Department had the statement of STURGIS in which he said: "To the best of my knowledge a raid on Cuba on May 25, 1964, did not take place. I declare that U.S. radar defenses were not violated while leaving or entering the U.S." On June 3. 1964, United States Customs, Miami, advised the FBI that FIORINI denied any connection with alleged flight. A CIA representative told the FBI (Deleted). [FBI 2-1499 NR 6.4.64 p.2] Gaeton Fonzi reported that on May 27, 1964: "Priority telegram regarding alleged air drop into Cuba: FYI Colonel Sam Kail received a call from General Maxwell Taylor's office on May 26, 1964, referring to an article in the Pompano Beach Sun Sentinal regarding reported air drop over Cuba...The story reported that the International Anti-Communist Brigade, and the 30th of November Movement, collaborated on the flight. Allegedly FRANK STURGIS, Craig Sheldon and James Buchanan were involved." On May 28, 1964, the FBI in Miami generated a document about STURGIS and the 30th of November Movement: "For information of the Bureau, U.S. Customs Agency, Miami, is presently endeavoring to locate and interview (Deleted) concerning the 30th of November Organization's participation in the alleged flight on May 25, 1964, over Cuba." This highly deleted report indicated that a copy of this document was filed in STURGIS' file. [FBI 12-1499 NR 6.15.64] On May 30, 1964, the CIA received a cable about James Buchanan that was entirely withheld.

In June 1964, the FBI received information from its New Orleans office that the Christian Democratic Movement planned to bomb Havana's oil refineries. [Airtel To SAC NO From Hoover (97-4110-114) mailed 6.17.64]

On July 14, 1964, STURGIS furnished the CIA with information on a raid planned by Orlando Bosch. On July 16, 1964, another Letter Head Memorandum about the FBI Christian Democratic Movement was generated. (Deleted) furnished the following information. "(Deleted) On April 21, 1964, (Deleted) the United States Customs Service raided Christian Democratic Movement headquarters, confiscated a large amount of arms and ammunition, and arrested Batista. (Deleted) Batista established the military headquarters (Deleted) to have a point where arms and ammunition could be stored and which members of the military section could use to plan infiltration and attack missions against Cuba. (Deleted) Batista returned to Miami, Florida, (Deleted) and was accompanied by Victor Panque, also known as Commandant Diego.(Deleted) The two groups (Deleted) will eventually form guerilla bands. (Deleted) They are waiting the time when Batista can supply them with adequate arms and ammunition, at which time they will form guerilla bands and go into the mountains. (Deleted)." [FBI 97-4110-123 page 3 w/h] The Christian Democratic Movement was still active from 1965 to 1968. On October 30, 1964, the FBI generated an LHM which was deleted except for this paragraph: "At MDC military headquarters, self-study courses in military training and theory are being given. (Deleted) Patria is a Spanish language paper published weekly in Miami, Florida. On September 11, 1964, Patria contained an article stating that the MDC issued a lengthy document accusing American agencies of being led by Cuban exile movements that are split up and divided. The MDC claimed the United States Government artificially creates leaders for the Cuban exile movements, persecutes independent Cuban exile organizations, and interferes in Cuban exile affairs..." [FBI 97-4110-132] In 1968 the FBI conducted a Secret study of Laureano Batista Falla, the Christian Democratic Movement and the Dominican Republic. [FBI 97-4623-180 2.27.68] Laureano Batista Falla died of cancer in 1992 at age 56.

On February 3, 1965, Bill Johnson arranged an air strike against Cuba for Orlando Bosch's MIRR. Jack Brooks Wright crashed in Freeport after similar raid on January 17, 1965.

In January 2004 I received this email: In Nodule 19, you mention a pilot killed in the Freeport by the name of Jack Brooks Wright who worked for the anti-communist organization. I am his son. For the record, the twin-engine Beechcraft flying under the radar mentioned in the paragraphs prior (the May 25th raid) was more than likely my father's plane (A twin Beech Bonanza). I have heard about my father's trips into Cuba under the radar for years from my Mother and all about the man from the anti-communist organization who was stealing from the Cubans. I have always suspected that my father's crash was not an accident, but after reading the accounts and knowing what else I know from my mother and the event around the time of his death, my suspicions now seem real. He refused to fly for the organization again and coincidently crashed several days later February 2, 1965. The day before someone else flew the raid (February 3rd, 1965). My father also flew into Mexico several times around the time of the Ruby flight and knew the Cuban route well. I was really shaken up by the article. I found it by typing in "Jack Brooks Wright" pilot and when shocked when your site appeared. I am going to do some more research into my father's crash. If you know anything else, I would appreciate it.

With Respect,
Wesley Brooks Wright

In 1966 STURGIS was employed at the Gulfstream Park Race Track as a bartender, and had been fingerprinted in conjunction with this employment on March 12, 1966. [FBI 139-4089-1435] In April 1967, STURGIS was involved in a plan to blow up a Cuban ship in a Mexican seaport. Ronnie Sturgis told the FBI: "I was present when explosives and detonators were hidden in the body of my father's car at a Miami garage. Orlando Bosch was there. The car would be placed on a ship at Vera Cruz. It was an anti-Castro action." On June 28, 1967, STURGIS was mentioned in "FBI File #45-1102, Subject: Unknown; Attempt to Bomb Freight Boat Oro Verde of Nassau Bahamas Registry, Pier Three, Miami, Florida, October 18, 1966." On September 25, 1967, the Miami News contained an article captioned "Exile Ransom Try Seeks Swiss Aid." This article indicated that STURGIS' organization, International Anti-Communist Brigade, was endeavoring to arrange ransom of 500 Cuban political prisoners in exchange for five million dollars worth of medicines and foodstuffs. Geraldine Shamma joined STURGIS in attempting to carry out the ransom plan. (Deleted).

On December 7, 1967, Mr. Henry Taylor, Office of the Coordinator of Cuban Affairs, United States Department of State, advised that the International Anti-Communist Brigade had alleged 15 million dollars was available for use in obtaining the release of Cuban political prisoners. Reportedly, Shamma has been in contact with the Czechoslovakian Embassy in Washington, and allegedly obtained permission from the Cuban Government to enter and leave Cuba. Mr. Taylor stated Shamma had not been in contact with his office since their first meeting several months previously. On December 8, 1967, Shamma declared to Replica that she would go to Cuba to negotiate the freedom of political prisoners. According to an article which appeared in this publication on December 4, 1967, Shamma was quoted as saying she was 'prepared for any eventuality.'...This article also reflected she had exhibited to a reporter of Replica a photostatic copy of an answer from the Czechoslovakian Embassy, Washington, D.C. stating the Cuban Government was studying her request. Shamma added she was ready to go to Cuba and personally talk with Fidel Castro, if that were possible, in order to help rescue the Cuban political prisoners. (Deleted)." [FBI 105-172694-2p serials 15 withheld]

In 1968 STURGIS met with SANTO TRAFFICANTE. He told the HSCA: "I met him once in a Miami restaurant in 1968."

The FBI reported: "During June 1968, information was received from various persons in the Miami area that STURGIS was attempting to organize a mercenary force to fight in Cuba. STURGIS solicited volunteers for this force through advertisements placed in South Florida newspapers. Several persons answered the ads were interviewed and verified that they had been offered varying amounts of money to become part of STURGIS' mercenary force organized to fight Castro forces in Cuba. (Deleted)"

STURGIS associate Ray Sandstrom placed a newspaper ad for adventurers. STURGIS stated: "I believe Ray flew for the CIA in Broward, Fort Lauderdale. Yeah, I received information that Ray was working for the CIA." Max Gonzalez, a close associate of STURGIS, screened the applicants. Out of 60 applicants 11 were chosen. The men were to meet in Guadalajara, Mexico, however, when they arrived, they found that the hotel they were supposed to stay at had been torn down. After two weeks of training in the mud, they went to Progresso, Mexico. In October 1968, a boat load of mercenaries commanded by STURGIS left Progresso and headed toward Cuba, but ran aground off the coast of Belize, British Honduras. The FBI reported: "On October 23, 1968, and October 24, 1968, STURGIS and 12 other individuals were arrested by British Honduras authorities on charges of illegal entry. Various weapons, ammunitions and supplies were confiscated from the group at the time of arrest. FIORINI and his group reportedly had hijacked a 24-foot yacht, Amigo, in order to transport themselves and their supplies to a remote island off British Honduras. All participants interviewed at Miami, and most admitted knowledge of participating in a military operation against Cuba. At the time of interview FIORINI indicated Col. Francisco Quesada, and at least 25 other Cuban exiles participating in the plan, were to rendezvous with the Amigo, but that the rendezvous had failed when the Amigo ran aground through the incompetency of its captain. It was through this accident that the boat was forced into the port of Belize, British Honduras, for repairs and re-fueling. No charges were lodged against FIORINI and his group by the U.S. as a result of this incident." [FBI 139-4089-394] On October 26, 1968, the Domestic Intelligence Division of the FBI prepared a "TREAT AS YELLOW" URGENT cable about STURGIS, much of which was withheld: "Previous data indicated FRANK FIORINI, (deleted) and head of anti-Castro International Anti-Communist Brigade (deleted). Department October 17, 1968, advised activities of group constitute possible violation of neutrality statutes and we are investigating. Attached data was furnished to by teletype to State, CIA and military intelligence agencies [Department of the Army, Air Force and to the Defense Intelligence Agency]. State was requested to furnish background data to Consul in Belize. Data is also being furnished to Internal Security Division, Customs, and Miami Office." The teletype was highly deleted and contained withheld pages. [FBI 105-172964-19 pages 3, 6] It indicated that the FBI had checked on STURGIS with its representative in Mexico City. The representative cabled "brief, descriptive data on the International Anti-Communist Brigade" to the U.S. Consul in Belize. [FBI 105-172694-37] The FBI noted the departure of STURGIS from Belize aboard TACA Airlines on October 31, 1968. [FBI 105-172694-30, 31] A teletype from the Director to the Miami Field Office about STURGIS dated October 31, 1968, was almost completely withheld. [FBI 105-172694-29, 31, 35 - in serial 35 enclosures were entirely withheld]

Was STURGIS involved in an attempt to hijack a Soviet freighter and ransom it for the U.S. spy ship Pueblo and its crew? STURGIS told Paul Meskil: "'The men were told it was to be a commandoe raid into Cuba to free political prisoners from Castro's concentration camps.' To lend credence to his story, STURGIS displayed a map showing the locations of Cuban prisons and prison camps. He also had a list of prisoners who supposedly were to be freed. None of the men, not even Gonzalez, were told of the real objective. 'This operation was planned months in advance. The CIA in Miami was aware of it. So were several other federal agencies, including the FBI and Customs. The objective was not to raid Cuba, but to rendezvous with another ship off the coast of Mexico and, with the assistance of this ship, seize a Russian vessel. We were to meet a Cuban vessel. I assume it was a naval vessel, commanded by Cuban navy officers who were disenchanted with Castro. The orders for completing the operation were aboard the Cuban ship. The captain also had a sailing schedule listing arrivals and departures of all Soviet and Communist bloc vessels in the Caribbean and the Gulf of Mexico. We hoped to grab a Soviet fishing trawler that was actually a spy ship. This ship was to be intercepted by the Cuban vessel. The captain of the Soviet ship probably would not be suspicious of a boarding party wearing Cuban Navy uniforms. We would then capture the ship. We were to take it off the coast of Venezuela. The orders were not to go into any port, but to stay off the coast. Certain officials in the Venezuelan Government were aware of the plan. They would participate in negotiations for the release of the captive ship and crew. A statement would be issued to the effect that we wanted to exchange the ship and crew for certain political prisoners in Cuba. But this was a ruse. Then we would go into the second phase of the operation - to dicker with the Russians and the North Koreans for the release of the U.S.S. Pueblo, its captain and crew, who were still in confinement at this time.'"

The FBI reported: "STURGIS had plans to lead his army to a rendezvous in the mountains of Mexico and from there proceed to Guatemala. STURGIS claimed the Guatemalan Government would be assisted by his organization in cleaning out Communist guerillas from the hills of Guatemala. When this accomplished, Guatemalan Government supposedly had promised to assist STURGIS in a planned invasion of Cuba."

Max Gonzalez claimed OPERATION SWORD was a mission to assassinate Fidel Castro. On July 25, 1975, an unidentified component of the CIA prepared this Memorandum For the Record on Max Gonzalez (No Security File): "One Max Gorman Gonzalez, who may be identical with the name of interest, circa early June 1975 stated publicly that he planned to sue the CIA for involving him in what he charged was a plot headed by Watergate burglar FRANK STURGIS to assassinate Fidel in 1968. Apparently Max Gorman Gonzalez is basing his suit on recent claims of FRANK STURGIS that he, STURGIS, has been a long time CIA employee. STURGIS' claim of CIA employment is not supported by security records. Gonzalez claims that he was used unwittingly, without his consent or knowledge, by the CIA. Gonzalez claimed use by this Agency vis STURGIS apparently involves the arrest in October 1968 of STURGIS, GONZALEZ and several other individuals connected with STURGIS' International Anti-Communist Brigade while they were attempting to invade Cuba in contravention of the Neutrality Act."

In November 1968 the FBI questioned Max Gonzalez (born December 29, 1929; aka Max Gorman) about this aborted operation. He told them: "It was a CIA operation. STURGIS was a CIA agent at the time, although his employment was not supported by Security records, and may still not be. He was in contact with other CIA agents in Guadalajara and Mexico City. STURGIS never told me what our real mission was, but I knew it was important to the Agency." The FBI generated a message about the International Anti-Communist Brigade dated October 26, 1968. [CIA FOIA F81-0351 D0532] Due to Senator George Smathers pulling some strings, no federal indictments were sought against STURGIS or his group, however Max Gonzalez was arrested on a outstanding warrant for bad checks. [FBI 105-172694-34]

The FBI questioned Max Gonzalez at Miami International Airport: "He has been involved actively in the IACB for about four years. He that, to his knowledge, FIORINI is the only IACB leader, although he feels for the operation which ended abortively at Belize, British Honduras, FIORINI must have been working with some other group of persons outside the IACB as FIORINI does not have the finances or organizational ability to mount such an operation. Upon reflection, however, he conceded that the cash outlay for this venture had been minimal in that the men were not paid for their services, furnished their own transportation, and, for the most part, their own food, lodging and equipment. He also indicated on reflection that the organizational work for the operation had actually been very slipshod and amateurish.

"He said that any indication by FIORINI that the true leader of the expedition was a Colonel Francisco Quesada would be, in his opinion, a falsehood. He said he believes Colonel Quesada does not exist, but is a fictitious scapegoat upon whom FIORINI would place responsibility for this operation in the event it misfired. In support of this, he read from a leaflet concerning Quesada which had been furnished several months ago by FIORINI to those persons who had answered a newspaper ad calling for volunteers to fight Communism in Latin America. This leaflet described Quesada as a Latin, born in Argentina, who had seen action in four wars, had served in all branches of the services, was a pilot, and an expert in conventional, guerilla, and counter-guerilla warfare. Quesada was further described in the leaflet as the "prime organizer of the underground in Latin America. A price of $100,000 has been placed on his head by a communist government which sent agents to kill him and his associates. He has been captured and tortured by two foreign armies...At the present time he is traveling throughout Central and South America and is raising funds to form a mercenary army to fight the communists throughout the Americas..." He said that based on these similarities in the backgrounds of FIORINI and Quesada whom, to his knowledge, no one but FIORINI has ever seen, he feels that Colonel Francisco Quesada is a fictitious and idealized FRANK FIORINI.

"He said that the IACB plan before leaving Miami was to train in Guatemala for approximately six weeks, then to proceed by boat to Cuba on November 1, 1968, and to conceal themselves in a pre-arranged Sierra Maestre Mountains, Oriente Province, hideout until next January 1, 1968, when a raid to capture political or military prisoners would be carried out, these prisoners would later be exchanged for Cuba-held political prisoners. He said the he, and all the others involved were aware of this general outline of the planned operation before departing from Florida or in small groups. He added, however, that he was not to participate in the Cuba phase of the operation. His part, he said, was to furnish his Spanish language ability during the training period in Guatemala and give Spanish lessons to those in the force who did not speak Spanish. He was to remain with the volunteer group until their departure for a sea rendezvous with a craft which would take them into Cuba. He was to return to his Florida home.

"He said that the plan to train in Guatemala had to be changed because it was learned, after the IACB arrived in Mexico, that communist guerilla activity in Guatemala was too intense at the time to permit training activity to be undertaken there, although he spent several weeks in Guatemala reconnoitering, escorted by an unknown Indian guide, who was paid for his services, and had no connection with the IACB. He added that to his knowledge, none of the other members of the IACB group entered Guatemala.

"He recalled that he departed Miami in behalf of the IACB operation alone on August 16, 1968, by Greyhound bus, to Harlingen, Texas, where an undisclosed man picked him up, by pre-arrangement in Chevrolet with Florida license plates. He and his companion, who he declined to name, entered Mexico at Matamoros, near Brownsville, Texas, on approximately August 22, 1968. He said that he entered Mexico as Max Gorman and showed the Mexican border guards a Florida drivers license in that name. He said that he had purchased the drivers license, already filled out, in Florida several weeks previously especially for this operation. He declined to furnish the name of the person who sold him the driver's license.

"He said that he and his companion proceeded inside Mexico to Ciudad Mante for about two days, then the driver of the car went his separate way. At Oaxaca, he picked up an M-1 carbine and some ammunition from an undisclosed person, then proceeded by bus to San Christobal Las Casas. He looked over this area for a possible base camp, but did not find a suitable site. He then proceeded to Comitan, again by bus, where he met three others of the IACB group. From Comitan, he proceeded into Guatemala, accompanied by an Indian guide, as previously mentioned...Upon his return, he found an IACB base camp already set up outside Comitan, about one mile from the Guatemalan border.

"He said that the base camp near the Guatemalan-Mexico border was broken up about October 23, 1968, no real training actually having been conducted, and those, number no disclosed, encamped there had proceed to Merida. This encampment was called Camp Sand, in contrast to the mountain encampment which had been called Camp Mud.

"Around October 28, 1968, they boarded the Amigo, a Mexican charter fishing boat, at Progresso, and head to sea for a rendezvous with another craft. The others were to transfer to the second boat and proceed to Cuba, while he was to return to Progresso in the Amigo then return to Florida. He said he had no information concerning the second boat or its passengers.

"He said the captain of the Amigo was not intimidated in any way, was paid in Mexican pesos the equivalent of about $250 American money, and cooperated fully with the he IACB group in attempting to effect the sea rendezvous with the second craft. He said the problem was that FRANK FIORINI was too secretive with the Amigo Captain about their sea destination as regards the course which had to be set to reach it. He had a feeling that they were a little early and that FIORINI was directing a zig-zag course as a means of delaying their arrival at the rendezvous point. At any rate, the Amigo ran aground on the Turneffe Islands near Belize, British Honduras. He recalled that the Amigo captain had warned FIORINI that he, the captain, was unfamiliar with these waters. It was obvious to Gonzalez, from previous course settings by FIORINI, that the vessel was off course prior to the grounding, but FIORINI insisted on directing the movements of the Amigo.

"He said that the Amigo had to limp into Belize as a result of the grounding for refueling and repairs. At Belize, those aboard the Amigo were detained, after several inspections by British Honduras Customs and Immigration authorities. These and the expedition members who had been left near the site of the grounding, awaiting the return of the Amigo, were eventually charged with illegal entry into British Honduras and were jailed at Belize. Their arms and ammunition were seized and, after a hearing at Belize on November 1, 1968, all were ordered deported from British Honduras.

"He said that contrary to public reports, no automatic weapons were seized by British Honduras authorities, nor were any in the possession of the IACB group at any time, to his knowledge. He added that he carried no arms or ammunition of any description into Mexico with him and knows of no other IACB member who transported arms or ammunition from the United States into Mexico.

"He says he knows of no stolen or rented cars possibly involved in the IACB Operation and added that he had only seen one car in use in Mexico by the group. He declined to describe this car, but said that it was not new, and apparently belonged to one of the International Anti-Communist Brigade members.

"He said that he had not been issued, in connection with this IACB operation, a blank birth certificate, United States Army honorable discharge papers, or a blank Florida Motor Vehicle Certificate of Title, and knows nothing of any of the others being issued any of these documents...

"He said that he had considered the possibility that the whole operation was a hoax perpetrated by FIORINI as a means of obtaining publicity. However, he has been unable, since the British Honduras authorities arrested the group, to extract any information from FIORINI which might substantiate this theory. He continued that if the operation was a hoax, he had been completely taken in as, until the past few days, he was convinced that the expedition had a landing in Cuba as its objective and that a rendezvous with a second boat would have taken place had it not been for the Amigo running aground.

"He said that due to his participation in the IACB operation he had missed a Miami court date regarding non-payment of a long overdue bill for newspaper advertising in connection with a former business venture. He said he expected to be arrested by the Dade County Department of Public Safety in connection with this court missed date, but he felt that satisfactory arrangements could be made for a new court date without his being jailed in the interim. The following description of Gonzalez was obtained from interview and observation: Height 5'6"; Weight 130 pounds; Hair brown, receding at temples; Eyes blue; Characteristics: Broken, discolored teeth."

DAVID ATLEE PHILLIPS stated that Cuban exiles in Florida, with no connection to the CIA, planned to "slip ashore into the United States naval base at Guantanamo, Cuba, and launch their attack against Castro from there." PHILLIPS informed the CIA of the plot and when a wire service carried an account of this story, "I had a reaction from Florida. A man named Maxim Emilio Gonzalez told Associated Press in Miami that he planned a multi-million dollar lawsuit against the CIA because he had been 'thrown to the wolves' by the CIA when an assassination plot he was involved in had to be aborted...STURGIS said the scheme was very possibly OPERATION SWORD, in which he had conspired with Gonzalez." [PHILLIPS Nightwatch pp. 284, 208] HEMMING told this researcher: "OPERATION SWORD was a lot of STURGIS horseshit. Heh, heh. Bethel told PHILLIPS about it." STURGIS wrote: "1963 travel and business (operation sword) Mexico and Honduras."

STURGIS told Paul Meskill the recruits used in OPERATION SWORD "were to provide their own transportation." The men rented cars using the false identification provided by STURGIS. STURGIS' men sold these cars in Mexico. Six months after STURGIS and company ran aground, Robert Curtis, a member of STURGIS' group, was arrested for automobile theft. It took a Broward County jury 20 minutes to convict Curtis of the unauthorized use of a car, a crime for which he went to jail. According to the indictment of STURGIS and his co-defendants as prepared the U.S. A. Robert Rust in 1973, Curtis's rented car was one of at least three Florida cars the entered Mexico with STURGIS' self-styled army. Max Gonzalez drove another one. By October 7, 1968, the indictment stated, the Floridians traveling in various cars had regrouped in Guadalajara, Mexico. According to Curtis, the cars disappeared and STURGIS' Brigade hung around a Mexican motel. Then Curtis said, he and Richard Brown were told that "we had to go back to Texas and rent another car. FRANK had a typewriter with a leather case. Sewn into the case were Florida license tags, blank titles, birth certificate forms and blank registration forms. With the typewriter kit and a Gulf Oil Credit card in the name of Charles Connell, Curtis and Brown went to Brownsville, Texas, and rented another car. We put on the Florida tag and threw away the Texas tag. Then we drove the car into Mexico." Curtis also contended that the Captain and the First Mate of the Amigo were forced to sail when STURGIS wanted them to sail because they were held at gunpoint. [Miami Herald 9.7.73] Less than a week later, according to the indictment, Curtis was at it again on orders from STURGIS and Buchanan. STURGIS had issued false ID to his recruits so that they could rent cars that were to be abandoned in Mexico, not sold, however, some of STURGIS' men sold the cars in Mexico or retained them. Curtis testified: "I had a number of blank duplicate Florida titles, Registration Cards, Birth Certificates, Drivers Licenses, that I obtained from FRANK STURGIS." HEMMING told this researcher: "STURGIS was a fucking car thief."

On November 14, 1968, the Norfolk Virginia Ledger Star carried an article entitled "'EX-CASTRO FRIEND JAILED FISH HEADS, RICH SLIM DIET.' The latest chapter in the running saga of Norfolkian FRANK FIORINO'S fight with Fidel Castro includes an 11 day stay in a British Honduras jail where he lost 20 pounds while living on fish heads and rice. It happened three weeks ago while FIORINI and 12 other Americans were on their way to make a commando raid against sabotage targets on the coast of western Cuba. FIORINI stated: 'We left one of our camps on the Yucatan Peninsula in a 30-foot cabin cruiser called The Amigo. We were supposed to rendezvous at sea with another boat and transfer the stock of weapons and medical supplies for a run into the coast of Cuba. Because of bad weather, The Amigo ended up on a reef just south of Mexican territorial waters off the coast of British Honduras. We had to spend the night there. The next morning we finally got her off with the help of a couple of native boats. Unfortunately the night on the reef had opened up the seams so The Amigo had to limp into the nearest port - Belize. There, they began unloading the rifles and over $1,000 in medical supplies. Then the ship was taken over by British Army Units. We were kept in jail for four days before we had a hearing before a British Magistrate. The Chief of the Honduran intelligence section asked for a week continuance in order to investigate further. They continued to keep us in jail during that week. The jail, incidentally, was 156 years old. I was by myself in a cell four and a half feet wide, and eleven feet long. We had one meal a day of fishheads and rice. Occasionally we got chicken necks and rice. The authorities apologized they couldn't give us more, but said it was a poor country. At the end of the week I was brought to the magistrate again. I served as a spokesman and asked that we not be deported to Mexico as had been suggested. I knew it was filled with Castro sympathizers there and my life would be in great danger." CIA Agent David McLean saw this article and sent it to CIA Agent Harry T. Mahoney: November 15, 1968. "Dear Harry: Presumably anyone who has been 'making frequent raids inside Cuba' will be of interest to Dave Phillips & Co. Hence I enclosed another clipping from my favorite newspaper, The Norfolk Ledger-Star...Dave." [CIA D002224] The activities of FRANK STURGIS from 1969 to 1971 remained a mystery. In February 1969 the CIA had the FBI run a check on him.

In early 1971 STURGIS set up a tax-exempt church in Miami. During HUNT v. ajweberman STURGIS was asked:

Q. Did you start your own church?

A. Why? I had none. Well, I wanted to set up some missions in Central and South America for poor people in the Andes, and so forth; but, unfortunately, Watergate destroyed that.

That year, James Buchanan was arrested entering Mexico with a truckload of automatic weapons. In late 1971 BARKER recruited STURGIS for the White House Special Operations Group. STURGIS: "Well, BARKER again, having contact with him, socially and business-wise, and what have you, one day, I don't know when he told me, or it might have been weeks or months prior to my involvement with the Special Intelligence Unit, or my recruitment, he sat down and spoke to me and he says, 'FRANK, do you remember 'EDUARDO'? Well I spoke with 'EDUARDO,' and we are putting something together, your background and so forth. And we would like you to get involved with us again. The same people as before, the same Americans upstairs who were involved in the Bay of Pigs. And my name was given for a clearance. And naturally I was cleared."

Evidence suggested that NIXON wanted the same crew who were involved in the Kennedy assassination as part of the White House Special Operations Group. In a Motion for Discovery of Exculpatory Information, STURGIS asked for telephone conversations between White House personnel and the CIA, FBI in 1971, 1972 and 1973, relevant to his activities. STURGIS also believed that NIXON had discussed his activities, and that this discussion had been picked-up by the White House recording system during the years 1971, 1972, and 1973.

KNR 022 LA PLAIN

852 PM NITEL 1-24-73 MAN

TO ACTING DIRECTOR (139-4089)

WFO (139-166)

FROM LOS ANGELES (139-306) (P) 3P

Reference: Regarding Boston teletype to Director, January 23, 1973, and Bureau telephone call to Los Angeles January 24, 1973.

On January 24, 1973, Cheryl Kathleen Fitzgerald, 5312 Kester Avenue, Apt 2, Van Nuys, California, was interviewed by Bureau agents and advised she spoke with her husband, Allen Michael Fitzgerald on November 27, 1972, while he was in custody at Adult Correctional Institute, Howard, Rhode Island. Fitzgerald asked her if she recalled him telling her approximately three years ago of his meeting of his meeting with then CIA agent JAMES McCORD at the Century Plaza Hotel, Los Angeles, California, through an introduction by Los Angeles Police Department Detective Gene Scherrer. She advised Fitzgerald did recall his mentioning this meeting. Fitzgerald then indicated that this was the same individual indicted in the Watergate matter.

Fitzgerald advised that she and her husband resided in Mexico from September 1970, through December 1971. While in a hotel restaurant at Hermosio, Sonora, Mexico, in either October or November 1971, she recalls her husband walking to another table and engaging in a conversation with an individual she now believes to have been FRANK STURGIS. She viewed six black and white photos, one of which was a photo of STURGIS. She was unable to identify STURGIS, photo 3. Fitzgerald based her belief that this individual her husband met in Mexico was STURGIS from a photo she saw in Time Magazine.

Fitzgerald stated she did not write a letter to The New York Times, however, she believed her husband, Allen Fitzgerald, wrote the letter and she recalls having him tell her on November 27, 1972, that he had in fact written a letter to The New York Times.

Fitzgerald advised her husband, Allen, told her three years ago that he had written a letter to 'Kenneth W. Clawson,' at that time a New York Times reporter, which letter Fitzgerald alleged was used by Clawson to 'gain a position on the White House Staff.' The letter was believed to contain information regarding narcotics and political affairs. Fitzgerald stated she never saw the letter.

On January 22, 1973, she received a telephone call from Seymour Hirsch, New York Times, requesting additional information regarding her husband' connection to [Watergate]. She advised she furnished no further information on the subject matter. (Deleted) She further advised she is considering pleading under Interstate Transportation of Stolen Property to charge pending against her in Rhode Island.

Her former husband, Captain Peter Lucarelli, Los Angeles Fire Department, advised he knows Allen Fitzgerald and considers him to be a con man. Consequently he doubts Fitzgerald's reliability. Report follows: (Deleted).

The 1972 Republican and Democratic Conventions were scheduled for July and August in Miami Beach, Florida. In a "Secret, Eyes Only" memorandum prepared for USDC Judge William M. Hoeveler, HEMMING claimed that: "During January 1972 I was contacted by FBI Agent Robert Dwyer in reference to assisting Miami FBI project involving Ed Kaiser and FRANK STURGIS that motivated a 1972 meeting with Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms Miami Supervisor Hale for backstop briefing. STURGIS was at the time a White House/Special Operations Group operative, and was later arrested at Watergate during June 1972." In April 1976 HEMMING told Dick Russell: "There were some plans for the convention. I talked to some of the people participating in it, who later participated in the Watergate thing. Create a shoot -out using the Yippies and the Zippies and the other 'hard core commies' they were so worried about. The people I spoke to were going to put some of this equipment in their hands, and some in law enforcement hands, and use some of the local vigilantes to start a shoot out. This would finally straighten out Washington as to where the priorities were on overcoming the 'domestic communist menace.'" HEMMING stated to this researcher in 1993: "I get a phone call from Bob Dwyer. I hadn't talked to him in months, since the NIXON compound thing. Some of Veciana's boys had a scheme to have a Cuban Comar fire a STIX missile at the compound. There was a similar plan to attack Guantanamo during the Bay of Pigs. They were gonna take out NIXON and put Agnew in power. I told Dwyer that to me it was all a provocation, and would end up in arrests, and I'm the fucking guy standing in the middle. Czukas shows up at my home to discuss this. Shanley should have been there. Czukas asks me to withdraw my license to export weapons to the Guatemalan Congress. A quarter of a million dollar deal. When I told my partner, he said, 'That lying cocksucker wanted me to give weapons to STURGIS who was over here earlier and spilled the fucking beans.' Czukas was always the domineering bad type of cop asshole who was going to put us all away. He was a company motherfucker. I told my partner, 'You know Bob Dwyer. He called me the other day with the same shit. They're trying to set us up.' Whatley shows up, I was using BERNARDO De TORRES office at the time. He shows up with his cousin - here's an ex-felon carrying a badge and a gun. His cousin was a Lieutenant in the Sheriff's Department in Jefferson City, Colorado. We meet at the Holiday Inn Motel at the airport. I said 'I'll demonstrate the weapons to you.' I call BERNIE and tell him to leave the weapon in the office I'll come over there. We fired it into a phone book behind the office. We demonstrated the silencer and the whole thing. Whatley wanted me to sell them to him under the table. I told him to get a letter from the Jefferson City Chief of Police saying he needed machine guns. We considered this a provocation. The first question that comes up in my mind is 'Why aren't they going to Powder Springs Georgia and talking to Werbell?' They wanted more than one machine gun. My guess was that they were going to give them to FRANK. They need silenced weapons so that somebody in the crowd of demonstrators, maybe Kaiser, could crank off a few rounds. The guys would be told 'Shoot some demonstrators in the back, drop your weapons, and get the fuck out of there!' Now other people with silenced weapons would be taking out direct targets. No one would hear this. The weapons dropped would be the same caliber. They didn't want 45 caliber Mac 10's, they wanted nine millimeter. The nine millimeter round was a sonic round. We had to half load the powder to keep it below supersonic so that the silencer would work effectively. A 45 round is subsonic. They wanted a nine millimeter because they were going to have thrown down pieces that were the same caliber. The 45 rounds look like it was government issued to Cubans. If the demonstrators were found with German World War II souvenirs, Lugars and P-38s, this is all pawn shop weapons, readily available. STURGIS was trying to use Kaiser as his cut out. STURGIS was famous for waving 'bye-bye' at the airport. I don't think STURGIS would be anywhere near the scene. That he got caught (laughs) in the Texas School Book Depository is...everybody said finally the motherfucker did something instead of sending others to do it and what do you know? He got caught."

HEMMING said the FBI and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms wanted him to help stop STURGIS from instigating a shoot-out at the Republican Convention, however, it sounded more like HEMMING originated the idea, or was a part of the scheme. HEMMING told this researcher: "You can't be around this shit unless all hands think you're a player. How's that? Is that the best way to put it? Will they dump a player? Will they OSWALD a player? Absolutely."

STURGIS was asked about this: "He's a liar! I'm not aware of these allegations; plus I'm saying he's a liar. If he made those statements, he's a liar."

HEMMING'S story was verifiable. During the trial of the Gainesville Eight, eight anti-war veterans charged with having planned violence at the Republican Convention, Vincent J. Hannard testified that STURGIS and BARKER tried to recruit him for an operation against the Vietnam Veterans Against the War. A Miami Herald article on June 8, 1973, by Dennis Holder was titled "Witness Says BARKER and STURGIS Asked Him to Discredit VVAW." It stated that Vincent J. Hannard, gave sworn statement, June 7, 1973, that in weeks prior to May 29, 1972, he "received four telephone calls proposing undercover convention work of the first attempt to break into Democratic National Committee Office at Watergate. Each call reportedly came from a different person and each caller tried to persuade him that it was his patriotic duty to help undermine VVAW. Hannard said one call was from STURGIS. Hannard said he was sure this caller was STURGIS, who he had known for more than 13 years. Another caller identified himself as BERNARD BARKER, but Hannard said he does not know BARKER, and could not be certain BARKER was actually calling. Another of the calls purported to be from Guy Hawkes. Hannard said Hawkes was a CIA agent in Miami several years ago. He is acquainted with Hawkes and is certain this caller actually was not Hawkes. Hannard said each caller mentioned the VVAW, and described the proposed task as covert intelligence and investigation. Hannard said he turned offers down because he was suspicious of the motives of the callers. The article pointed out that Hannard was disqualified as a witness in a 1971 Miami narcotics case because psychiatrists testified that Hannard could neither understand the witness oath, nor tell the difference between truth and lies. Article also pointed out that Hannard was convicted in 1962 of impersonating an FBI agent, but was also an informant for federal and local police agencies, and was a key witness in several cases. Hannard occasionally volunteers information to Miami FBI. (Deleted)." HEMMING claimed Vincent J. Hannard was a well-connected Bureau of Narcotics snitch and a Private Investigator, who reported to Gene Marshall, the roommate of Charles Ashmann. HEMMING said he had attempted to break into the offices of Vincent J. Hannard, and that Vincent J. Hannard worked closely with STURGIS and Bobby Willis.

When Charles Colson was questioned by Senator Lowell Weicker of Connecticut, he said he had seen a CIA file that "mentioned radical activities prior to the convention." [USDC SD FLA. 75-640-cr-PF Def. Ex. 4] In 1973 Senator Lowell Weicker was the target of a break-in. [Summers Secret Life JEH p414]

Angela Basulto was a former anti-Castro fighter who claimed expert knowledge of firearms and explosives. Her first husband was Bay of Pigs veteran Jose Basulto Leon. Jose Basulto, a devout Catholic, had left Boston College, where he majored in physics, in January 1960, to return to Havana so that he could join a Catholic underground organization. Basulto was trained in Panama as a radio operator then infiltrated into Cuba prior to the Bay of Pigs. Five of Basulto's fellow infiltrators were executed and seven received long prison sentences. Basulto, unhappy with the Kennedy Administration's lack of action against Castro, struck out on his own. On August 24, 1962, Basulto sailed into Havana with a dozen of his friends and shelled the hotel Rosita de Hornedo, which was full of Russian advisors. Basulto drove to Guantanamo and climbed a ten foot fence to safety. Basulto worked with CIA Agent Felix Rodriguez, who was linked to Bush and Oliver North's Contra arms network. The June 8, 1973, edition of The Miami Herald carried an article by Rob Elder titled "Florida Agency Admits Receiving VVAW But From Lady Spy." The FBI: "The article relates that Angelica 'Angie' Rohan, formerly known as Angie Basulto, furnished a sworn statement to United States District Judge W.O. Mehrtens, on May 23, 1973, after reading The Miami Herald story "which for the first time identified Pablo Fernandez as a police informer who spied on VVAW and offered to sell them guns." According to the article, Mrs. Rohan made another sworn statement on June 6, 1973, to Dade Country State Attorney Richard Gerstein. Article says that Florida Department of Law Enforcement confirmed on June 7, 1973, that summer Mrs. Basulto furnished Florida Department of Law Enforcement a copy of a recorded call between Scott Camil of VVAW and Pablo Fernandez. Basulto also told Florida Department of Law Enforcement that certain Miamians were involved in a 'demonstration at the Chilean Embassy in Washington.' Jack Key, Florida Department of Law Enforcement, Miami, advised Miami Herald he never told the FBI or any other federal agency about the 'wiretap' or Basulto's Embassy information because the information did seem at the time to be specific evidence, 'was not worthy of dissemination' and because Basulto 'was my source and I'm going to protect my source.' Florida Department of Law Enforcement director, William Reed, according to article, said Basulto volunteered to work with the Florida Department of Law Enforcement last summer. Her expense were paid, and she worked at the Florida Department of Law Enforcement convention command post, Miami, translating Spanish language material and writing out long hand intelligence reports. Basulto has sworn that she was offered 'A copy of the ITT papers' which Fernandez told her were stolen in the Chilean Embassy burglary. Article reports Basulto once tried to convince a T.V. crew she was the 'woman in Watergate,' but now she says she was not. In sworn statement to Dade County State Attorney's Office, Basulto reportedly claimed second hand knowledge of a possible plot to assassinate the Democratic Vice Presidential candidate, who later turned out to be Thomas Eagleton. She claimed 'What they were supposed to be looking for was George McGovern's running mate.' She reportedly said at this point in her notes, she wrote the word, 'assassination' and drew a question mark beside it. State Attorney's office sources told Miami Herald Basulto said she was present when Fernandez offered to supply VVAW with Cuban weapons which 'could be turned into machine guns with a little piece of metal.' She was present when Fernandez offered weapons to VVAW member identified only as Dan. This veteran reportedly replied, 'We only want peace, man.' Jack Key, Florida Department of Law Enforcement, Miami, telephonically contacted on June 8, 1973. He confirmed Basulto worked for the Florida Department of Law Enforcement during both national political conventions. She originally contacted Florida Department of Law Enforcement Director Reed at times furnished information to Reed but Key was her authorized contact. Key described Basulto as emotional, and as having furnished both reliable and unreliable information. She was only paid expenses. She never told the Florida Department of Law Enforcement about being the 'woman in Watergate.' She did furnish last summer what purported to be a tape of Fernandez-Camil telephone conversation about Chilean Embassy, Washington, break-in. She did once report that Watergate Hoover rites people had something to do with the 'demonstration' at the Chilean Embassy. This information seemed of no significance and she did not mention the break-in or burglary. Key said he had been interviewed by Elder for above mentioned article. Elder asked him several times why he was covering for FBI. He told Elder he was not covering for FBI. He recalled being contacted by (Deleted) Dade County Public Safety Department, just prior to Republican National Convention, as to possible Florida Department of Law Enforcement status of Basulto. Key said that on June 11, 1973, he will bring to Miami FBI Office complete Basulto Florida Department of Law Enforcement file for review. On June 8, 1973, Pablo Fernandez telephonically contacted. He said he met Basulto approximately July 5, 1972, and was in contact with her until the end of the Republican National Convention when she stopped calling him. She told Fernandez she was working for Florida Department of Law Enforcement and wanted to know what Cuban exiles were planning for political conventions. Fernandez said he 'took her around' during conventions, and brought her to Cuban exile meetings. He did furnish her a copy of his tape recorded conversation with Scott Camil earlier same date he furnished original of tape conversation to S.A. Deleted, Miami. He furnished her copies of no other tapes. He said he never offered her a copy of the ITT papers reportedly stolen in Chilean Embassy burglary. He said he had no knowledge of existence of such papers and has no knowledge of who perpetrated this burglary. He said his only VVAW contacts were Hialeah drugstore meetings, a Miami Police Department meeting with VVAW, other non-delegate organizations, including Cuban exile groups, and police...Basulto was not with him on any of these occasions. Basulto was with him on the second or third day of Democratic National Convention when he strolled through Flamingo Park, Miami Beach, non-delegate campsite. He did not speak to any VVAW members at that time and emphatically did not offer to supply VVAW with Cuban weapons, as alleged above. Fernandez denied furnishing Basulto any information regarding a possible plot to assassinate the Democratic Vice Presidential Candidate...Fernandez said he did tell Basulto about Hialeah drugstore meetings with VVAW, but told her about no other contact with VVAW." [Miami Herald 6.8.73; FBI 139-4089-1230]

Pablo Fernandez was an FBI informant in the case of the Gainesville Eight. HEMMING wondered if STURGIS had ever dealt with any counterculture people when "they were getting that slaughter ready for Miami Beach in 1972."

In 1952 Ed Kaiser joined the Marines, but received a bad conduct dishonorable discharge before his basic training ended. Ed Kaiser became a heroin addict (Sonia Kaiser insisted that her husband was never an addict) and amassed a long criminal record, including aggravated assault, assault with a deadly weapon, burglary and larceny. In 1957 Ed Kaiser joined the French Foreign Legion and lost his American citizenship. On January 29, 1959, his citizenship was revoked. He left the Foreign Legion on a medical discharge, and returned to the United States in 1959 as a landed immigrant. In 1961 Ed Kaiser moved to Alaska, where he was convicted of theft of Government property and assault. On May 30, 1964, and on May 31, 1964, the CIA showed an interest in Ed Kaiser, and two outgoing cables about him were generated which were denied in their entirely. [Ltr. Harry E. Fitzwater, Chairman, CIA Information Review Committee 1.4.82]

I