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NODULE 8

CONSPIRATORS BACKGROUNDS

THE THEORY

RICHARD MILHAUS NIXON was the highest ranking member of the conspiracy to kill President John F. Kennedy. HEMMING did not know NIXON, but he knew HUNT and ANGLETON. Both of these men knew NIXON.

WHEN DID RICHARD NIXON MEET B.B. REBOZO?

During World War II, RICHARD NIXON was on the Tire Price Control Board. NIXON associate, B. B. Rebozo, a Cuban-American, made huge profits in the tire-recapping business during the War. NIXON claimed to have met B.B. Rebozo around 1950. Rebozo also claimed he met NIXON around 1950, through ex-FBI S.A. Richard Danner (born November 1, 1910; died July 1987). Danner had managed Senator George Smathers' first Congressional Primary campaign in 1946. [Rebozo v. Wash. Post USDC SD FLORIDA 73-172-CIV-SMA] George Smathers (Rep.-FL) was a close associate of NIXON.

Evidence suggested that B.B. and NIXON were acquainted during the war. During the libel suit captioned B. B. Rebozo v. The Washington Post, B. B. Rebozo testified he knew NIXON associate Senator George Smathers since the fourth grade and assisted him when he ran for Senate in 1950. Rebozo was asked, "Did Mr. Smathers introduce you to RICHARD NIXON?" B.B. Rebozo said that he did not.

NIXON was first elected to Congress in 1947, the same year the CIA came into existence. The first piece of legislation that bore his name required members of the Communist Party to register with the Foreign Agents Registration Board.

In early 1952 NIXON visited Cuba, accompanied by Richard Danner. As the former City Manager of Miami, Richard Danner knew many gangsters operating in South Florida and Cuba, including Meyer Lansky. While he was in Havana, NIXON'S associate, Donald Smith, incurred a large gambling debt in the Sans Souci, a casino owned by national crime syndicate associate Norman Rothman; Donald Smith gave Norman Rothman a bad check. Norman Rothman was about to sue him in the United States, but before the case came to trial, Norman Rothman received word from the syndicate to leave the country. [FBI Document in poss. of Scott Malone]

RICHARD NIXON AND NAZISM

In the early 1950's Nicolae Malaxa, a Nazi war criminal, was NIXON'S business partner. After he became a Congressman, NIXON introduced a bill to make Nicolae Malaxa a U.S. citizen. NIXON employed Lynn Nofziger, who funneled money to the California chapter of the American Nazi Party. G. Gordon Liddy, a member of the White House Special Operations Group, arranged for a Nazi propaganda film showing at the National Archives for members of the NIXON Administration. In his writing, G. Gordon Liddy professed admiration for the Nazis: "Compare if you will the mindset of the SS Leibstandarte with the often drugged dropouts that make up a significant portion of the nation's Armed Forces today." G. Gordon Liddy named White House/Special Operations Group operations after Nazi campaigns and organizations: the operation to kidnap left-wing radicals was called Nacht Und Nebel - Night And Fog. During his deposition in HUNT V. ajweberman Liddy was asked:

Q. How did you come upon that?

A. I lived during the time when nacht un nebel was practiced regularly; remembered it from the past, in other words.

MR. MILLER: Nacht un nebel was the name, is the translation, and it was named for an operation against demonstrators that occurred in which Mr. HUNT was partially involved and in which he was involved.

THE WITNESS: No, no. Let's not confuse what I was speaking about. When you asked me to identify nacht un nebel, it was a euphemism used in the time of the Third Reich in Germany by the geheimstatspolizei, the secret state police. When they would remove an individual without explanation, the person would be said to have disappeared in the night and the fog. So what I was using was a historical reference. And it was I who suggested it, not Mr. HUNT.

Another operation was named Odessa, which G. Gordon Liddy described as "the organization directed to the subversion of the Administration's secrets..." Odessa was originally an organization of former Nazi SS agents. NIXON aide H.R.

Haldeman admitted he had a Nazi image during this period, and that Alexander Haig had warned him: "The Jewish Community is out to get you...this ties back to your Nazi activities and all that stuff..."

NIXON appointed Laszlo Pasztor, a Nazi war criminal, as a member of the Republican Nationalities Council.

NIXON was heard to make anti-Semitic remarks during various conferences. The White House tapes contained numerous examples of NIXON'S detestation of Jews.

In January 1974 NIXON compared himself to Hitler when he cited the accomplishments of high ranking Nazi Albert Speer: "I want Bill Simon to be my Albert Speer." William Simon was Secretary of Energy Affairs at the time.

THE ASSASSINATION OF JOSE ANTONIO REMON

In 1954 Vice President NIXON was involved in PB SUCCESS and met CIA employees E. HOWARD HUNT and DAVID ATLEE PHILLIPS. On January 1, 1955, NIXON reportedly attended a meeting in Honduras, where plans for assassinating the President of Panama, Jose Antonio Remon, were discussed. Allegedly present were the team of hired assassins to do the killing, NIXON, and former CIA agent Marion Cooper, who related this story to Senator Frank Church. The following day, Jose Antonio Remon was machine-gunned to death. A "Report Concerning the Assassination of Jose Antonio Remon, President of Panama, dated February 1, 1955" [WCD 279] is in the National Archives as part of the Kennedy records group. A telegram dated August 2, 1967 to Marion Cooper was included in the 1990's JFK documents release. It regarded a proposed trip to Beirut.

In late 1955 NIXON met with Fulgencio Batista and pinned a Medal of Honor on him.

In 1960, Donald Kendall, chairman of Pepsico, offered NIXON employment after his defeat by Senator John F. Kennedy. Senator Joseph McCarthy (Dem.- WS) was called "The Pepsi-Cola Kid" after it was revealed that after he helped end sugar rationing, Pepsico paid off some of his loans. [Messick Hoover p210; also see McCoy, A. Heroin in Southeast Asia p186]

In January 1963 NIXON moved to New York City, where he took an apartment in a building owned by Nelson Rockefeller. NIXON became a partner in the law firm of Mudge, Rose, Guthrie and Alexander. NIXON'S main account at Mudge, Rose, Guthrie and Alexander was Pepsico. One of the clients of this law firm was Louis Rosenstiel, the President of the Schenley liquor company. The wife of Louis Rosenstiel linked him to Meyer Lansky in sworn testimony, during their divorce trial.

JAMES ANGLETON

JAMES JESUS ANGLETON was born in Boise, Idaho, on December 9, 1917. His Illinois-born father, James Hugh Angleton, joined the National Guard in Idaho in 1916, and chased Pancho Villa south of the border under General Pershing. While there, Angleton married a Mexican girl of 17. On returning to Boise, JAMES JESUS ANGLETON was born. Mr. Angleton became a salesman for the National Cash Register Company, and by 1920, he owned the National Cash Register franchise for Italy. In 1933 the ANGLETONS moved to Milan, Italy. ANGLETON attended a British preparatory school, Malvern College in England and then entered Yale in 1941. At Yale he became interested in the poetry of Ezra Pound. Mrs. Angleton was asked if her husband was a poet: "I can save you a lot of effort. There wasn't any poetry. There is none to publish, not after the catastrophe of The Cold Warrior. But there wasn't any anyway. Since that book, I would never talk. I never saw any poetry, not since Yale. Poetry was his major, but he never wrote poetry. No pickings over here." During the war, ANGLETON'S father joined the OSS and moved to New York. Angleton Sr. took part in the planning of the Italian invasion, went ashore with the forces at Anzio, and rose to Colonel. ANGLETON Jr. entered Harvard Law School and married Cicely d'Autremont of Tucson, Arizona, a junior at Vassar. In 1943, while in the infantry, ANGLETON was recruited by the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) and assigned to Italy.

THE OSS

The Office of Strategic Services was the creation of New York lawyer William J. Donovan, whose intelligence career began in 1916, as a representative of the John D. Rockefeller Foundation. [Hersh Old Boys p33] On July 11, 1941, President Franklin D. Roosevelt appointed William J. Donovan Coordinator of Information. In the Summer of 1943 the Office of the Coordinator of Information became the OSS. After the war, J. Edgar Hoover demanded that the OSS be prohibited from conducting domestic espionage investigations, and, with Nelson Rockefeller, the Coordinator of the Office of Inter-American Affairs, insisted on maintaining jurisdiction over Latin America. On October 1, 1945, President Truman ordered that the OSS be dissolved as an independent body.

ANGLETON IN ITALY

In post-war Italy, ANGLETON'S unit uncovered secret correspondence between Mussolini and Hitler. By age 26, ANGLETON was in the OSS Station in Rome where he met Richard M. Helms and Allen W. Dulles. ANGLETON helped the provisional Italian Government defeat the Communists. In 1945 ANGLETON helped fascists escape from prison camps supplying them with new identities. [Martin Wilderness of Mirrors p19]

ANGLETON JOINS THE CIA

ANGLETON entered the CIA in 1948, at age 31. In 1954 the Doolittle Report advised the CIA that one urgent priority was "the intensification of the CIA's counter-intelligence efforts to prevent or detect and eliminate penetrations of the CIA." In late 1954, as a result of this, William K. Harvey, who previously performed certain CIA counter-intelligence functions, became CIA Chief of Station in Berlin. ANGLETON became first Chief of the newly-formed Counter-Intelligence component. Former CIA Staff member Claire Edward Petty commented: "In the early 1950's William K. Harvey was performing certain counter-intelligence functions. ANGLETON was counter-intelligence chief in the formal sense from the inception of CI."ANGLETON remained Counter-Intelligence Chief for 20 years, outlasting all of the Directors and Deputy Directors of the CIA. He gained the reputation as paranoid and eccentric, who was seldom seen, even by own staff members. [Mangold Cold Warrior Simon & Shuster 1991]

RAYMOND ROCCA

Raymond Rocca (born February 22, 1917) was reputedly ANGLETON'S chief deputy. Raymond Rocca attended the University of California at Berkeley, where he studied Fascist Italy. In 1942 he received a Doctorate Degree in 1942. He went into the Analytical Section of the Foreign Broadcast Intelligence Service, where he learned content analysis as a Italian broadcast analyst. He joined the OSS Counter-Intelligence component in April 1944. He remained in Italy in the service of the OSS and its successor agencies, the Strategic Services Unit and the CIA. Raymond Rocca met ANGLETON in August 1944 and became his executive assistant. Raymond Rocca remained in Italy until after the 1948 elections and was ANGLETON'S liaison with the Italian intelligence service until his own return to Washington in the Summer of 1953. Raymond Rocca joined the DD/P Counter-Intelligence Staff in July 1955, as chief of its Research and Analysis Group. His functions there included production and editing of finished Counter-Intelligence studies, case studies, briefings, defector debriefings, accumulation of Counter-Intelligence doctrine, and research, stimulation and participation in Counter-Intelligence training. In July 1969 Raymond Rocca became Deputy Chief of the Counter-Intelligence Staff. Clare Edward Petty reported: "Rocca was the head of a CI section called Research and Analysis, CI/R&A. He was very close to ANGLETON and sometimes he acted as his deputy, but did not have the title. For several years before he died James Hunt was ANGLETON'S deputy and acted with full authority when ANGLETON was gone. He had an office next to ANGLETON'S. Then Hunt died. ANGLETON was one of these people who didn't really have a deputy per se. ANGLETON wanted, like a lot people, to run his own show, and did not wish to admit anybody was his deputy."

E. HOWARD HUNT: OCTOBER 9, 1918 TO 1943

EVERETTE HOWARD HUNT was born on October 9, 1918, in Hamburg, N.Y., into a family of English and Welsch heritage which traced its lineage to the Revolutionary War. Hunt's Point, in the South Bronx section of New York City, was named after one of HUNT'S ancestors. HUNT'S father, Howard Hunt Sr., was a friend of OSS founder William J. Donovan. When HUNT was eight, his family moved to Miami, where Howard Hunt Sr. entered a business partnership which eventually failed. In Give Us This Day, HUNT described the incident which led to this. On a Saturday, Howard Hunt Sr.'s business partner stole $5,000 from him, then flew to Havana. The next day, Howard Hunt Sr. flew to Havana, found his partner, put a gun to his partner's head, and got all of his money back. The moral to be gained from this story, according to HUNT, was: "An operation conducted with surgical efficiency and maximum speed leaves minimal scars on those involved."

ANALYSIS

This story can be interpreted so that a different moral is extracted from it: rather than report the incident to the local authorities, Howard Hunt Sr. went to Cuba and was willing to execute his ex-partner for $5000. The moral implied by this incident: if you are double-crossed, murder is permissible.

During his teens, HUNT suffered from dyslexia and stammering. He graduated from Brown University in 1940, where he majored in English literature and journalism. He received an Associate Baccalaureate Degree. He was accepted as a play writing student at Yale Drama School. HUNT enlisted in the Naval Reserves. HUNT reported: "Enlisted United States Naval Reserve, August 27, 1940, as Apprentice Seaman, appointed to U.S. Navy Midshipman's School...served aboard USS Destroyer Mayo, discharge by reason of being not physically qualified for retention." In February 1941 HUNT entered the United States Navy. He was on active duty for five months before he was given an honorable medical discharge in late 1942. Tad Szulc reported: "According to incomplete records [HUNT] was injured aboard a ship doing Atlantic convoy duty." HUNT was discharged because of a hearing problem. [FBI 139-4089-1627] HUNT wrote East of Farewell, a fictionalized account of North Atlantic convoy duty, and sold it to Alfred Knopf Publishers. From October 1942 to February 1943 he worked for Time Inc. (March of Time) where he prepared and edited scripts for a monthly newsreel, and produced Naval training films. He was hired by Time and became a war correspondent in the South Pacific from February 1943 to July 1943. HUNT covered the battle of Guadalcanal. He returned to New York City in 1943, where he worked for Fortune magazine and wrote Limit Of Darkness, which he sold to Random House.

HUNT JOINS THE OSS: DECEMBER 1944

HUNT enlisted as a private in the United States Air Force: "After basic training at Fort Dix and Miami Beach, I qualified for Officer Candidate School...After being commissioned, I was sent to Air Force Intelligence School at Orlando, Florida, where, after two weeks as a student, I was placed on the faculty." While he was in Air Force Intelligence, HUNT passed rigorous OSS testing and investigation: "A few days later General William E. Donovan summoned me to his office. There he confirmed that I had been accepted for duty in the OSS and was henceforth relieved of further Air Force duties." During his OSS training period, HUNT met Navy Lieutenant James Donovan and future CIA officers Lawrence Houston and Walter Kuzmuk. HUNT cited Bennett Cerf of Random House as a credit reference. In the 1950's, Bennet Cerf, a friend of J. Edgar Hoover, had arranged for Random House to publish The FBI Story, a puff piece. Then, in the 1960's, Cerf sent the Bureau a pre-publication copy of The FBI That Nobody Knows, and may have helped delay its publication. [Turner RFK 1993 (xvi)] HUNT named Quentin Reynolds as a reference. HUNT stated: " I flew as an observer with VT11, Henderson Field, Guadalcanal, 1943, soloed SO3C type, March 1943, New Hebrides. Graduate of Air Combat Intelligence School, AAFSAT, AFTAC, Florida. Wide experience with intelligence sources and procedures as part of current duties in AFTAC Air Room, plus special research into propaganda analysis ( a standard lecture for the Army-Navy Staff College), plus professional writing and experience as naval officer at start of war. As a War correspondent, I found out that my experience as a naval officer helped me effect easy liaison with Task Force and Air Group commanders in the theater. I am known as a novelist and short-story writer, and contribute to national magazines upon the request of individual editors. December 9, 1944." HUNT was assigned to OSS Detachment 202, headed by Paul Helliwell (born September 17, 1914).

PAUL HELLIWELL

From January 17, 1945 to August 18, 1945, Paul Helliwell served as Chief, Special Intelligence Branch, OSS, China Theater. When the war ended, Paul Helliwell was placed in charge of postwar intelligence, and awarded the Bronze Star with Oak Leaf Cluster. In January 1950 he joined the CIA. In 1951 Paul Helliwell helped set up and run Sea Supply Corporation, a CIA proprietary. ANGLETON associate John Hart headed a CIA group of 76 men training the Thai Police via the Sea Supply Corporation. [Indochina Resource Center Study 1.77] Paul Helliwell served as a paymaster during the Bay of Pigs invasion in April 1961.

HUNT listed his OSS and military duty: "CBI Reports Officer, Lecturer on Psychological Warfare at Army-Navy Staff College." HUNT served in the Far East until January 1946. After the war, he went to Mexico on a Guggenheim Fellowship. Later he took up residence in Los Angeles and Miami.

THE ECONOMIC COOPERATION ADMINISTRATION PARIS 1948

HUNT was an Economic Attache at the American Embassy, Paris. HUNT'S associates there included Glen Morehouse, a Paris CIA Station officer, Richard Bissell and Frank Wisner. At the Economic Cooperation Administration, Vienna, HUNT produced an anti-communist film directed toward labor groups, entitled Mit Vereinten Kraeften. In 1948 HUNT was employed by the Economic Cooperation Administration and served in Paris as and aide to Avarell Harriman: "A background investigation conducted by the FBI in July 1949 revealed no indication of instability on the Subject's part, but it was later learned that Subject had been refused an increase in salary with the Economic Cooperation Administration and had been permitted to resign. He was described as highly intelligent, but blindly selfish, and egotistical." HUNT'S employment history stated: "May 1948 to February 1948, Economic Cooperation Administration, Public Relations, J.F. Fleming, U.S. Media Specialist. PR work plus speech writing for Ambassador Harriman; film production. Reasons for Leaving: My publishing affairs deteriorated to such an extent that my presence in America became imperative for financial reasons." On November 23, 1949, HUNT was fingerprinted by the FBI for the CIA.

DOROTHY WETZEL HUNT: 1949

Dorothy Wetzel worked for the State Department in Bern, Switzerland, between July 1944 and January 1946. From April 1946 to May 1947, DOROTHY HUNT worked for the Treasury Department, Shanghai, China. She joined Economic Cooperation Administration in April 1948. She married HOWARD HUNT on September 7, 1949. The CIA reported that "DOROTHY LOUISE HUNT [OS 355,750] was investigated for Agency employment in 1948. Her former husband [Goutiere] was described as an habitual drunkard and not inclined to remain in any one place for any length of time. She did not enter on duty, having accepted a position with the Economic Cooperation Administration in Paris. Our Paris sources later reported that Subject's wife was formerly his mistress and was openly flouted as such for several months. She was then described as an amoral and dangerous individual who underhandedly attacked those persons who incurred her enmity."

HUNT: 1949

In 1949 HUNT'S book, Bimini Run, was published; Warner Brothers paid HUNT $35,000 for the movie rights. On May 18, 1949, HUNT filled out a PERSONAL HISTORY STATEMENT for the CIA. HUNT cited Major J.K. Singlaub as an employment reference. General Singlaub became commander of the Joint Unconventional Warfare Task Force in Vietnam in 1968 and was involved in Operation Phoenix. In 1984 Singlaub headed the World Anti-Communist League. John K. Singlaub had been in HUNT'S OSS unit. On November 8, 1949, HUNT filled out a Personal Status Report. In November 1949 HUNT joined the Office of Policy Coordination (CIA) where he became an International Organization Editor. He remained there until December 1950.

HUNT 1950 TO 1953

On February 17, 1950, HUNT was informed by the CIA's Office of Security that his wife held left-wing attitudes regarding certain minority groups: "With regard to his wife, Mr. HUNT states that she is one of these individuals who carries the torch for minority groups and always has been too ready to take up the battle when any derogatory remarks are made concerning members of these groups. He advised, however, that she is becoming less pugnacious about this because he has constantly made it a point to request her not to express her opinion so strongly. Mr. HUNT advises, as a matter of fact, that at the outset he used to bait his wife on these matters, but as he realized how strongly she feels about them, he ceased the practice. It seems as though Mrs. Hunt becomes so upset concerning racial and minority prejudices that the resultant condition is really injurious to her health. Mr. HUNT advises that he will have a heart-to-heart talk with his wife and ask her to tighten up on the control of her emotions. He will further suggest to his wife that she take the chip off her shoulders, and if remarks are made which disturb her, she should assume the attitude of considering the source. Mr. HUNT believes his wife is becoming less susceptible to remarks which have enraged her in the past. He has promised me to adopt a policy of discontinuing social relations with individuals who constantly discuss matters which are repugnant to his wife. I was very favorably impressed by Mr. HUNT'S attitude concerning my admonitions, and I respect him for his forthright denouncement and evaluation of his wife's shortcomings. I am firm in my belief that Mr. HUNT is throughly patriotic, completely anti-Communist, and that there will be no repetition of past complaints. I sincerely recommend that we close the book on this issue, and start over with a clean slate. (Deleted) OS."

THE DEATH OF CAPTAIN EUGENE KARP

On February 27, 1950, HUNT wrote a memo about his association with U.S. Naval Officer Eugene Simon Karpe.

MEMORANDUM FOR: OSE

SUBJECT: Captain Eugene Karpe, USN, deceased.

1. During 1948 to 1949 I served in Europe as an official of the Economic Cooperation Administration, ranking as an Attache of the American Embassy, Paris.

2. During various periods of temporary duty in Vienna (August to October 1948) I came to know Captain Karpe socially. He came to Vienna frequently on week ends from his Bucharest post, staying, like myself, at the Bristol Hotel.

3. On at least two occasions he flew with me in General Keyes' aircraft from Vienna to Paris, and I had the distinct impression that he wanted to spend as little time as possible in Bucharest because of the annoying and constant surveillance of secret police.

4. On one occasion, returning unexpectedly from Vienna, I encountered Captain Karpe at the Bristol and asked him why he was again in Vienna. He replied that there had been a series of incidents in Bucharest involving servants of Embassy personnel (shadowing, interrogations, etc.) And that I could not imagine how rigorous was the life there for Americans. He added jokingly that he could not even visit a urinal in Bucharest without being accompanied by the Secret Police.

5. At no time did Captain Karpe appear despondent; rather he impressed me a conscientious officer who was undergoing tremendous hardships, but sought relaxation from surveillance at every legitimate opportunity.

6. In October 1949 I encountered Captain Karpe in the Army & Navy Club in Washington, and asked him if his Bucharest assignment had terminated. His answer was rather vague, and my total impression was that he felt I was lucky to be out of Europe, and that he was not anxious to return to Romania.

7. Our association was more than casual, for we had mutual friends in the Navy; one of his classmates, in fact, having been a fellow officer of mine.

8. Although I knew Mr. and Mrs. Robert Vogeler socially in Vienna, I was not aware Captain Karpe knew them, as later events indicate.

HOWARD HUNT PBII/HH/mee.

William Harvey was sent a copy of HUNT'S memorandum regarding Karpe.

Eugene Simon Karpe fell off the Orient Express on February 25, 1950: "A track walker found the body of Captain Eugene Simon Karpe of the United States Navy, a friend of imprisoned Robert A. Vogler, in a railway tunnel south of Salzberg yesterday. His passport was missing. United States Army investigators and Austrian police said they believed Captain Karpe's death had been accidental. American officials in Washington said they were not eliminating the possibility that the officer had been slain. Austrian police said that Captain Karpe, en route to the United States after three years as Naval Attache in Romania, evidently had fallen from a door of the Arlberg Orient express on a curve...Captain Karpe, 45 years old, was sent to Rumania in 1946 as a naval member of the Allied Control Commission. Officers said all passengers appeared to be legitimate travelers and that there was no reason to suspect them of having had any part in Captain Karpe's death."

HUNT and Eugene Simon Karpe were acquainted with Robert A. Vogeler, who had been sentenced to 15 years in prison for espionage by a Hungarian People's Court on February 20, 1950. Robert A. Vogeler was a roving ITT representative who allegedly plotted to sabotage the Hungarian state-owned telephone company. Vogeler was released after having served one year of his sentence. He denied being a spy ; he said all he had done was keep in touch with "Fish" Karpe. [NYT 2.25.50] On Tuesday, March 2, 1950, United States Army investigators "said today that it was possible in the darkness of a Salzberg tunnel Karpe could have been thrown accidentally from the Arlberg-Express." On November 8, 1950, William D. Miller, Assistant Chief, Overseas Branch, sent George P. Loker, Jr. Chief, Special Security Branch, a memo: "Subject (Deleted) OPC) (Deleted) of SAC has been changed to above. Former (deleted) was (deleted). On December 14, 1950, the Chief, Special Security Branch, was informed by the Chief, Overseas Branch, that "(deleted) (Pseudo - Office of Policy Coordination) Please cancel your security clearance dated December 7, 1950. The decision has been made that the Subject is to be considered a semi-covert employee (deleted)."

HUNT IN MEXICO CITY DECEMBER 1950

HUNT'S first assignment for the Deputy Director/Plans took him to Mexico City where he became head of operations against the Soviets under Chief of Station Winston Scott. The CIA stated: "In December 1950 he was assigned as (deleted) Mexico City, and then served as (deleted) until August, 1953." HUNT was trained in Secret Writing, Flaps and Seals and Photography. HUNT described his role in Mexico City as "Chief of the Office of Policy Coordination Station in Mexico City in 1950 to 1952 or 1953." A highly deleted document about the Mexico City CIA Station: "(Deleted) COS Winston M. Scott (deceased) (Deleted) an (retired) (Deleted) (retired) (Deleted)on (retired in Mexico) COVERT ACTION (Deleted) HOWARD HUNT (retired)."

On April 1, 1953, this document about HUNT was generated by the CIA:

MEMORANDUM FOR: Chief, Security Control Staff

SUBJECT: Publication Clearance - HUNT

1. Mr. HUNT is Deputy Chief of a (Deleted) of the Western Hemisphere Division and he has been operating (Deleted).

2. Mr. HUNT has been granted security clearances for several novels during his employment with this Agency. In 1949, just prior to employment with the CIA, he published Day of the Serpent, a fictional work on the OSS in China. He has achieved considerable national prominence as an author of World War II stories.

3. On the last of his PHS he stated that an estimated one million pocket edition copies of two of his books are in circulation. His present publisher, Fawcett Publications, publishes the 25 and 35 cent books which are sold in drugstores, newsstands, hotels, stations etc. throughout the United States. It seems quite probable that Mr. HUNT would be known as a writer by persons in the (Deleted) and that his work would be read by some (Deleted) even though it is in English. It is not known whether or not the pocket book publishing companies have exported their publications in (Deleted).

4. Darkness on the Land is the title of the novel for which security clearance is now requested. There appear to be several objectional aspects in the novel when it is considered in combination with the fact that the author is (Deleted) in Latin America.

5. It would seem that the author's fixation in regard to the superiority of the Nordic to the Latin and Indian races, which permeates the entire novel, would be most offensive to Latin Americans. The Latin American might well argue that Mr. HUNT, like Erskine Caldwell, has taken a sample of the illiterate, amoral minority in Latin America and used it to depict a whole culture.

On September 17, 1953, HUNT generated a MFR on Cornelius Van Manen, a Dutch citizen who was entering the United States military: "Subject stated that it was unfortunate that Hitler did not succeed in his conquest of Europe...HOWARD HUNT SE/CPP." On December 4, 1953, HUNT was granted clearance for attendance at lectures of the Armed Forces Industrial College. HUNT worked with Colonel Edward Landsdale, an Army counterinsurgency expert. During his career with the CIA, HUNT was listed as assigned to the following Staffs and Divisions: PB II, WH/?, SP/?, PY/?, PP/CR/TV, SE/PP, WH/4, DODS/ R & P, DO/CA, OPSER, C/E/CA. In 1953 HUNT earned an Appreciation from Chief, PP, for assistance rendered in the preparation of "PP Operational Aids." In 1953 HUNT won another Appreciation from P.T. Culbertson, American Embassy, (Deleted) for ability, discretion and judgement displayed while assigned to (Deleted).

WILLIAM F. BUCKLEY

HUNT served as Case Officer for William F. Buckley Jr. in the early 1950's. William F. Buckley Sr. had been an owner of the Pantipec Oil Company in Mexico. In the early 1920's, Mexican nationalists sent him to the United States. His fortune remained intact, and he used it to again speculate in oil, ultimately amassing a fortune. When Pantipec reopened in Mexico it was part of an oil empire worth an estimated $110 million. [Markmann The Buckleys William Morrow 1973 p33] Born in 1925, William Buckley Jr. studied at the University of Mexico and then at Yale, where he wrote a tome attacking liberalism, God and Man at Yale. When William F. Buckley Jr. returned to Mexico in July 1951, he had some familiarity with the country and language. He resigned from the CIA in 1952 and joined the staff of The American Mercury. In 1955 he founded his own magazine, The National Review. William F. Buckley helped organize the American Committee to Aid the Katanga Freedom Fighters, who opposed Patrice Lumumba. William F. Buckley's CIA file was still withheld. The CIA: "Third party information (Summary of Bill Buckley's relationship with the CIA)."

E. HOWARD HUNT AND BORIS PASH

In 1954 HUNT was in contact with the CIA's assassination unit. HUNT recalled: "The CIA had set up a small group to arrange for assassinations of suspected double-agents and similar low ranking officials...I was told by my CIA superiors in 1954 that Boris T. Pash, an Agency official, was in charge of the assassination unit...Boris Pash was the man in charge of an area that dealt with removals by violent means...I never asked Boris Pash to plan an assassination mission, I simply asked him if he had the capability."

Boris Pash, a former Army intelligence agent, headed the Alsos Mission during World War II. Its target goals were the capture of German scientists and the termination of the Nazi atomic bomb program. After the war, Boris Pash, an associate of John Earman, helped Nazi scientists enter the United States. [Lasby Project Paperclip p203; HUNT Depo. in HUNT v. ajweberman First Depo. undated; Hersh Old Boys p226] Boris Pash joined HUNT at the Office of Policy Coordination in 1949, where he worked in the Office of Special Operations, Program Branch 7 (PB/7). ANGLETON and William K. Harvey directed the Office of Special Operations. DAVID PHILLIPS was asked: "Do you know if William K. Harvey knew Mr. HUNT or ever worked with Mr. HUNT, to your knowledge?" He responded: "I think it is quite possible since they both were in the Agency for a long time." The Operations Planning Director of the Office of Policy Coordination, who supervised PB/7, confirmed it was responsible for assassinations and kidnapping. The Deputy Chief of PB/7, who served under Boris Pash, testified he had a clear recollection that the written charter of the Office of Special Operation included the following language: "PB/7 will be responsible for assassinations, kidnapping and other such functions as from time to time may be given it."

HUNT was questioned about Boris Pash by the SSCIA: "I will have to go back considerably in time to the period in 1954 and early 1955 when I was staff officer of the Southeast European Division of the CIA. My title was Chief of Political and Psychological Warfare for Southeast Europe. As such I had staff responsibility to the Chief of the Division for all political and psychological warfare matters that involved the following countries: Albania, Rumania, Greece, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria...I was of course in daily contact with the chiefs of the various country branches and it came to my attention that we were having considerable difficulty with our Albanian Guard Unit, I believe it was called, which was then located in West Germany. This guard unit had been drawn largely from the retainers of King Zog of Albania...That is bodyguards, members of his personal staff, probably some relatives...The Agency in fact, had been encountering a lot of difficulty with losing agents, Albanian agents who parachuted into the area. And as a result of the rapid disappearance of

our parachuted agents, it became a matter of some concern to the Division. To the best of my recollection, the presence of a double agent or a penetration agent, in the Albanian guard unit was suspected, if not assumed. To that end there was some discussion, the details of which are no longer clear to me, about the best way to cleanse the unit of whatever offending individual there might be, the penetration agent. And I don't recall whether I was specifically commissioned to look into the method of cleansing, or whether it was a matter of my personal interest. But in any event, I inquired around among knowledgeable people in the Agency and it came to my attention and I hate, again, to be so indefinite, although I will speculate on who might have directed me to this particular unit. I was told that somewhere within the overall political and psychological staff there was located a man with a small office. This man's name was Colonel Boris Pash, and my understanding was that Colonel Pash had been doing business, let us say, with the Agency in West Germany for quite a while. I sought out Colonel Pash. I was directed to his office and I found sitting with him another Agency officer named [Martin Lazarus]. I'm not sure whether it is (Deleted).

Mr. Baron: It's a Greek name. (Deleted) is his correct first name, but he goes by (Deleted).

Mr. HUNT: Very good. But in any case, he was known throughout my career as (Deleted). And I was at that point on, let's say, a search mission to determine whether the alleged capability of Colonel Pash in 'wet affairs,' which is how it was referred to, that is, liquidations, would have any relevance to our particular problem of the Albanian disappointments. [By liquidation I mean] assassinations, kidnappings, removals, let's say. So I spoke to Colonel Pash in Mr. (Deleted's) presence. I explained the problem to him, although at that juncture I'm quite sure that we had not identified the Albanian suspect. So we were talking hypothetically. And I might say parenthetically, at this juncture, that it became clear many years later that the actual informant was Kim Philby, the British MI-6 Chief who was keeping everyone apprised of our Albanian activities. So in fact, we had no nominee for Colonel Pash's special attentions. However, I broached the problem on a hypothetical basis to Colonel Pash, who seemed to, he didn't pick up on it immediately. He seemed a little startled at the subject. He indicated it was something that would have to be approved by higher authority, and I withdrew, and never approached Colonel Pash again. This took place in Colonel Pash's office, which, to the best of my recollection, was in the complex in the old JKL series of CIA buildings along the reflecting pool. They have since been demolished. And in Exhibit Four here I give a breakdown, to the best of my recollection, of the PP staff at that time, which we can go into. I don't want to really interrupt the continuity of what I have to say, but just for clarification, so everyone will know what we're talking about, and who was situated where at the time. Then I can go into that apart from this, if that's all right with you. I should also say, and I'm sorry I didn't mention this earlier when I first inquired around for the location of Colonel Pash and his assistant, that reaction I encountered was a rather jesting one, and the impression I gained was here were a couple of men who were drawing salaries and doing very little. And so when Colonel Pash seemed reluctant to become involved in responding affirmatively to my questions, my inference was that Colonel Pash and (deleted) could well not have such a capability, but for the purposes of employment and status, this was the job they had. But they didn't want anyone to call upon them to activate their particular abilities.

Now that was my impression and I was a little disgusted by it. I think I talked to the Chief of the PP staff later, who was, of course, well aware of the Albanian problem and I said I didn't get any satisfaction from Pash, but it doesn't really make any difference because we don't have the name of the suspected individual.

Baron: Just to stop here for a second and clear up some of these details, were you under the impression that what you called wet affairs, assassinations, kidnappings or other removals from the scene of troublesome individuals was the primary function of this unit?

HUNT: Yes, if fact the only. As far as I knew, they had no other function. If they had another function I was never made aware of what it was...

Baron: Did whoever gave you the information about Boris Pash indicate to you that there were any other units in the CIA that could take care of such problems by means of assassinations?

HUNT: No. My distinct impression and recollection is that the function, if indeed it existed, and I believed it then to have existed as I do today, was centralized or focused in Colonel Pash and (Deleted).

Baron: Now what would have been the formal title of the unit that Colonel Pash and (Deleted) were running?

HUNT: If it had one I never knew it...as I recall my conversation with him was a relatively brief one. I stepped in the door, met him, saw (Deleted) who I knew briefly or at least knew him by sight, and I sat down and said we have this problem in the Albanian Branch. We may need somebody liquidated in Western Germany. Can you handle it if the day comes, or if it comes to that? And he seemed a little startled. I have already indicated that.

Colonel Pash indicated or said to me that it was a matter that would have to be approved by higher authority and as a relatively low ranking officer in those days, I thought he was probably referring to Frank Wisner. And indeed he may have. It never got pushed up to Frank Wisner's level because there was no direct approach or a request for such approval was ever made...Now his saying that to me was of course bureaucratically quite appropriate. There was nothing inappropriate in such a response. It neither indicated an enthusiasm for the proposal for that line of work, nor was it a washing of his hands. I felt that he was just glad that he had to reach for higher authority, that it was a deflection, and that he would just as soon not hear any more about it, not because of any moral consideration or anything, but simply from a bureaucratic point of view. He was comfortable where he was and don't bother me.

I left with the impression that Colonel Pash was glad that he wasn't going to have any business for me or that he had successfully deflected whatever approach I might be making to him because it would give him and (Deleted) an opportunity to drink more coffee and to draw their salaries from the Agency while affecting to do a job that they were perhaps not equipped to do.

Now again, that impression I had when I left was at variance with what I had heard before I came in, where I heard he and (deleted) or he at least had been active in West Germany in wet affairs, particularly kidnappings and that sort of thing. If not personally, certainly he could arrange to have it done. That was my distinct impression. Otherwise I would not have sought him out...I had known previously that he had been associated during the war with the Manhattan Project and that he had a security background...it was my impression that Boris Pash had been active a couple of years at least before I knew him in West Germany with the sort of thing that we had been discussing so far today...kidnappings mostly in West Germany and West Berlin..." HUNT'S overall impression after their conversation was that Boris Pash's function was to carry out assassinations "albeit reluctantly, because my impression was that he was a man who really didn't want to be disturbed. He was comfortable where he was."

When HUNT was asked to list others who were aware of Boris Pash's function: General Robert Cushman, John Richardson, John Baker (former Chief of the PP Staff) , Milton Buffington, Tracy Barnes (former Chief of the PP Staff) HUNT stated: "I would think that JIM ANGLETON, who would have had direct knowledge and always was the Chief of the CI/CE staff. The Chief of base in (Deleted) if in fact Pash conducted any activities in that area, certainly the Chief of base in (Deleted) would have been knowledgeable about it. Also the Chief of base at (deleted) which was where we had the (deleted) penetration going on. I don't know whether William K. Harvey, at that time was Chief of Operations (deleted) or whether he was simply running the tunnel, but William K. Harvey might well have some knowledge of Boris Pash. I would certainly assume that when we're talking about liquidations and that sort of thing that the Agency's overall Office of Security somewhere within it must have been involved, such German Division personnel as might be available today, West German, and I would also suggest that General Cushman might be knowledgeable for this reason. It was about this time that General Cushman was still assigned to the CIA. I could be wrong about that but I seem to have a memory of Cushman being around in those days. He was then a Colonel. I had associated with him. In fact, we shared an office at one time, but that was several years earlier. But I'm sure that Cushman was around in that period of time and involved with the PP Staff though what his function was I don't know.

Baron: Let me return to one name that you mentioned and this is William Harvey. What was the nature of your operational relationships to William Harvey after this period. Did you have any?

HUNT: I never had any, no. In fact I've only seen him once in my life, to the best of my recollection.

Baron: As you may know, William Harvey was tasked in 1961 with setting up an executive action capability at the CIA, tasked originally by Richard Bissell to carry out assassinations if required. Do you have any connection from any source of any connection between what Harvey was doing and what Pash was doing?

HUNT: No.

HUNT told his lawyer that he had "met Boris Pash in a hallway at some point after the initial discussion of this matter and asked him where it stood? And he replied this is very heavy stuff. I must be very selective in talking about it, and [HUNT] dropped the matter." Boris Pash denied HUNT'S allegations and claimed he never met him and that he was never involved in assassination planning.

During HUNT v. ajweberman, HUNT was asked:

Q. Have you ever discussed the subject of an assassination with Mr. Pash?

A. Nor assassination qua assassination, but the liquidation, removal of

MR. ajweberman: (Laughs)

THE DEPONENT: (continuing) an objectionable -- I would request that the --

Mr. FRIEDMAN: I am asking Mr. ajweberman to maintain himself.

MR. ajweberman: It's kind of funny, you know.

THE DEPONENT: Mr. Pash, Colonel Pash, was described to me as the man in charge of an area that dealt with removals by violent means. He later testified that he never had such capacity. So, with the exception of the man who was alleged by other to be in the business, to my knowledge I have never known anybody in the assassination business.

Q. Boris Pash denies ever having talked to you about this.

A. Well, he is an old man. I would say that it has escaped his mind, probably trivial at the time because that wasn't his line of work.

HUNT told the SSCIA: "I might add that I was rather briefly at CIA headquarters at that time and within a very short period of time after I had had my interview with Colonel Pash, I was transferred to the Guatemala Project, the overthrow of Guatemala."

DAVID ATLEE PHILLIPS

HUNT'S CIA assignment in 1953 was the overthrow of President Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala - Project PB SUCCESS. HUNT worked closely with DAVID PHILLIPS on this operation.

DAVID ATLEE PHILLIPS was born in Fort Worth, Texas, on October 31, 1922 - a spook who was born on Halloween. He attended Texas Christian University and worked as an actor until World War II intervened. PHILLIPS served as a nose gunner in the Army Air Corps. He was shot down over Austria, but returned to the Allied lines after twice escaping from German prison camps. In 1948 PHILLIPS married an airline stewardess and, with a $200 a month option on a play he had written that was never produced, he and his bride decided to go to Chile to live cheaply. In Chile he purchased Latin America's oldest English-language newspaper, The South Pacific Mail. Because of this he was approached by the CIA and asked to pose as Chief of Station in Santiago, Chile, so that the CIA could observe the extent of KGB surveillance. PHILLIPS told The Washington Post: "I was to be a 'dangle.' Word was to be leaked out in Chile that I was chief of American intelligence there. Sure enough, a KGB agent soon began to cultivate me. I was at the time being paid $50 a month for my services. When that Soviet showed up it occurred to me I should be getting more." [Washington Post 7.2.75] PHILLIPS career with the CIA began in Chile on February 1, 1951 when he took a job as a contract agent at $600 per month with a term that ended February 28, 1951. He again entered on duty on January 25, 1952 and was paid $6,000 per year with a term that ended on August 31, 1953. On March 4, 1954 PHILLIPS entered on duty as a Contract Employee at $7200 per year. On August 1, 1954 his pay was increased to $8360 per year with a term ending March 31, 1955. At this time PHILLIPS was HUNT'S Deputy Chief for Propaganda and he left Chile to become, according to Who's Who, "a lecturer on Latin America."

THE OVERTHROW OF JACOBO ARBENZ 1954

Jacobo Arbenz, a professional Army officer, was the son of a Swiss father who migrated to Guatemala. In 1944 Jacobo Arbenz took part in a military coup against General Jorge Ubico. Dissatisfied with a successor of Jorge Ubico, Jacobo Arbenz participated in another coup and became a member of the subsequently installed Junta. Jacobo Arbenz was made the ranking officer in the Guatemalan Army in 1949, after his chief rival was ambushed and assassinated. The chauffeur of Jacobo Arbenz, and later his secretary, was credited with the murder. Jacobo Arbenz ran for President in 1950. During the election campaign his main rival, General Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes, went into hiding under threat of arrest.

Five days before Jacobo Arbenz was elected President through massive vote fraud in November 1950, Colonel Carlos Castillo-Armas headed an unsuccessful revolt against him. Carlos Castillo-Armas was badly wounded and thrown into prison. Jacobo Arbenz took office in March 1951. The following summer Carlos Castillo-Armas tunneled his way out of prison and left the country. President Arbenz declared a partial state of siege in 1951, allegedly to control the dispatches of unfriendly foreign correspondents. Arbenz also tried to institute land reforms; the United Fruit Company, the country's biggest employer, was outraged when he expropriated 225,000 acres of its property. The profits of United Fruit began to drop when labor unions demanded $2.50 a day for each worker, instead of $1.36. [Business Week 4.30.55] During the early 1950's, United Fruit was a symbol of American economic imperialism. The term "Banana Republic" had its roots in the domination by United Fruit of Central and South American governments.

Jacobo Arbenz turned frequently to the Communists to maintain his power. By 1954 they were running Guatemala. President Eisenhower, Vice President NIXON and the other National Security Council members called for the overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz. In the Spring of 1954, the USSR began covertly supplying the Guatemalan regime with arms, hidden aboard a Swedish freighter, in unmarked boxes. When the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Allen Dulles, received news of this shipment, the fate of Jacobo Arbenz was sealed.

HUNT'S VERSION

In his autobiography, Undercover, HUNT recalled that he recommended the ouster of Jacobo Arbenz shortly after he was elected, but his superiors at the CIA refused to act until Arbenz threatened the profits of United Fruit. Then, according to HUNT, the lawyer who represented United Fruit, Ernest Cuneo, pressured the CIA leadership into taking action against Arbenz.

PHILLIPS described the chain of command in the Arbenz operation as follows: the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency Allen Dulles; then Director /Plans Richard Bissell; then Deputy Director/Plans Frank Wisner and his subordinate Tracy Barnes; then Colonel J.C. King, Chief /Western Hemisphere Division; then himself and HUNT.

TRACY BARNES

Tracy Barnes graduated from Harvard Law School and practiced with Carter, Ledyard & Milburn. [Weyden Bay of Pigs p39] During the war, Tracy Barnes joined the OSS and worked with Allen Dulles in attempting to arrange a secret surrender of the Nazis in Italy in 1945. In February 1951 he joined the CIA. He became Deputy Director of the Psychological Strategy Board during the Korean war. Tracy Barnes served as Chief of Station of the CIA in Frankfurt, Germany, from 1954 to 1956, and London Chief of Station from 1957 to 1959. Tracy Barnes was a relative of Nelson Rockefeller.

Nelson Rockefeller's Latin American interests had been endangered by Arbenz. Nelson Rockefeller joined the Eisenhower Administration from 1953 to 1954 as a Special Consultant, Assistant for Cold War Strategy.

Tracy Barnes chose HUNT and PHILLIPS for the Arbenz operation, which was given a semi-autonomous status. HUNT was posted to Miami.

In 1954 the CIA approached Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes, then an anti-Arbenz exile living in El Salvador. In My War With Communism, Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes wrote: "A former United Fruit Company executive...came to see me with two gentlemen whom he introduced as CIA agents. They said I was a popular figure in Guatemala and they wanted to lend me their assistance to overthrow Arbenz. When I asked for the conditions for the assistance I found them unacceptable. Among other things I was asked to favor the United Fruit Company..." Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes agreed to support the overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz but, according to HUNT, "It had been decided at the State Department that Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes was a 'right-wing reactionary'...and so the CIA's support was put behind Colonel Carlos Castillo-Armas."

On January 29, 1954, Jacobo Arbenz charged that Carlos Castillo-Armas and Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes were receiving assistance, in their joint effort to overthrow him, from Nicaraguan President Anastasio Somoza. Anastasio Somoza allowed anti-Arbenz forces to use an island off the Nicaraguan coast as a base of operations. American soldiers-of-fortune, working as CIA contract employees, were the flyers of the Guatemalan rebel air force. On the morning of the planned invasion a meeting took place among President Eisenhower, the Dulles brothers, and Joint Chiefs of Staff representatives, during which President Eisenhower asked if they were sure the operation would succeed. Assured that it would, President Eisenhower responded: "I'm prepared to take any steps that are necessary to see that it succeeds." [Ross & Wise Inv. Gov. p176]

On June 18, 1954, Carlos Castillo-Armas and his army crossed the Honduran border into Guatemala. His CIA-sponsored air force had just bombed San José, a large Guatemalan port city. The troops of Carlos Castillo-Armas dug in just inside the Guatemalan border, where they waited for further air strikes. After the forces of Jacobo Arbenz took out most of CIA's exile air force, the CIA immediately resupplied them with new aircraft. Under constant air attack, Jacobo Arbenz began to panic. On June 22, 1954, Guatemalan Government forces began an unsuccessful drive to dislodge the forces of Carlos Castillo-Armas. At the front, CIA-recruited members of the Army of Jacobo Arbenz, at the request of DAVID PHILLIPS, sent back messages to him that they were being overwhelmed by the troops of Carlos Castillo-Armas. PHILLIPS also set up a clandestine radio station in Mexico, the "Voice of Liberation" which pretended to be broadcasting from within Guatemala and orchestrated false reports about legions of rebels who didn't exist and major battles that never took place. Under such a propaganda barrage, on June 25, 1954, Jacobo Arbenz resigned and took asylum in the Mexican Embassy. On July 8, 1954, a Guatemalan military junta elected Carlos Castillo-Armas President. In August Castillo-Armas suspended all civil liberties. Soon he restored to United Fruit the land seized by Jacobo Arbenz.

THE DEATH OF JACOBO ARBENZ

Jacobo Arbenz lived in exile until June 27, 1971, when he was found dead in his bathtub in Mexico City at age 57. Officials listed the cause of death as drowning due to a heart attack. Jacobo Arbenz had been under treatment for a stomach ailment. [Immerman, R. CIA in Guatemala pp. 139-140; NYT 1.28.71] La Prensa, the newspaper of Buenos Aires, reported: "The death of Jacobo Arbenz still has not become clear. Jacobo Arbenz was found asphyxiated and drowned in his bathtub, covered by boiling water. According to the police, the body was horribly burned by hot water and an autopsy was needed to determine the cause of death. The police indicated that Arbenz did not spend much time in the bathtub and the door to the bathroom was locked. They had to break it down to enter."

In 1955 Allen Dulles dispatched the former adversary of Arbenz, Ambassador John E. Peurifoy, to Bangkok, Thailand. There, John E. Peurifoy and his son were killed in a head-on collision with a heavy truck in 1956. HOWARD HUNT believed his death was the revenge of the Communists. [Immerman, R. CIA in Guatemala p253]

Author Thomas Powers reported that two Guatemalans who worked closely with DAVID PHILLIPS on a clandestine radio transmitter, known as the Voice of Liberation, were assassinated in 1957.

Ché Guevara took asylum with Jacobo Arbenz. It took him a month to get out of Guatemala. Author Thomas Powers reported: "PHILLIPS was in Guatemala searching through captured documents, and opened a CIA file on Guevara."

THE ILLNESS OF DR. JUAN CORDOVA CERNA

In Give Us This Day HUNT related that the CIA had initially favored a pre-eminent jurist and coffee grower, Juan Cordova Cerna, to head the post-Arbenz regime: "I thought back to the period before the overthrow of Colonel Arbenz when the CIA was treating with three exiled leaders: Colonel Castillo Armas, Dr. Juan Cordova Cerna, and Colonel Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes. As a distinguished and respected jurist, Dr. Juan Cordova Cerna had my personal vote as provisional president; our paramilitary people, however, were impressed with Castillo Armas' qualities as a military leader, and State had vetoed Ydigoras Fuentes as authoritarian. I remembered meeting secretly with Juan Cordova Cerna in a room in the Mexico City YMCA, and how at a critical time in the pre-invasion maneuvering, he had been forced to enter the Ochsner Clinic for cancer surgery. With his hospitalization, the possibility of civilian leadership ended, and Colonel Armas was selected to carry though. Chance, then, as it so often does, played the decisive role in the destiny of a nation." In Undercover, HUNT recounted that Dr. Juan Cordova Cerna "reluctantly had left Guatemala for New Orleans. There, it was discovered that he suffered from throat cancer and treatment was begun at the Ochsner Clinic in New Orleans." [HUNT Undercover p97] PHILLIPS wrote: "One facet of CIA planning had gone awry in a development beyond control - the moderate civilian who was groomed to become the interim President contracted a fatal illness." [PHILLIPS Nightwatch p53] PHILLIPS was asked "Do you have any knowledge about how Juan Cordova came to contract the disease, cancer?" He answered: "No, I do not know."

ANALYSIS

Did Dr. Juan Cordova Cerna really have HUNT'S personal vote? HUNT wrote: "It had been decided at the State Department Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes was a right-wing reactionary." In the past, HUNT favored political figures who had been labeled "right-wing reactionaries" by the State Department. For example, he described his friend Pedro Diaz Lanz as one of those labeled a right-wing reactionary. Dr. Juan Cordova Cerna would not have conformed to HUNT'S vision of a post-Arbenz government. Dr. Juan Cordova Cerna, a candidate for election in 1950, was a former legal advisor for the United Fruit Company. Washington lobbyist Tom Corcoran, an associate of Ernest Cuneo, called Dr. Juan Cordova Cerna "the liberal" among the exiles. Ché Guevara wrote his followers: "Keep in contact and be united with groups around Dr. Juan Cordova Cerna...because they represent valuable allies and should not be despised." [Fuentes, My War with Communism p146] After Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes, HUNT'S next logical choice should have been Castillo Armas.

Had HUNT poisoned Dr. Juan Cordova Cerna during their meeting, to thwart the wish of the State Department to make him the head of the post-Arbenz Guatemalan government? Could the cancer of Juan Cordova Cerna have had some relation to the Ochsner Clinic? Was the Clinic unwittingly or wittingly CIA-penetrated? No credible evidence of this exists as of 1996, however some interesting documents have been released regarding Alton Ochsner.

DOCTOR ALTON OCHSNER

Dr. Alton Ochsner (born May 4, 1896; died August 1981), the founder of the Ochsner Clinic, had prestigious credentials and was the past president of the American Cancer Society. Alton Ochsner was part of the New Orleans anti-Communist community which included David Ferrie and his associate, William Guy Banister. Ochsner was linked to FBI Agent WARREN C. DeBRUEYS through the New Orleans Crime Commission in 1967. Alton Ochsner was linked to OSWALD through these men. Carlos De La Vega, a Cuban exile, was director of Latin American Relations of the Ochsner Foundation. Carlos De La Vega was under a special State Department contract to act as a bodyguard for foreign dignitaries. [Memo Martin to Garrison 3.31.67] Dr. Alton Ochsner was a consultant to the U.S. Air Force "on the medical side of subversive matters," and a personal friend of the Somoza family. [Scott, Beyond Conspiracy p649]

In April 1993, Dr. Alton Ochsner's son, Alton Ochsner Jr., was asked: "Did your dad know guys like Ferrie and that crew? Freedom fighter types?" He replied: "Yeah, he knew about anybody who might have been labeled an anti-communist. My dad was a strong anti-communist and he believed in all these things. He knew all the local people who were on trial or involved in the Garrison investigation. Now he and Ed Butler thought OSWALD was involved in a communist conspiracy. I don't think they thought this was the CIA at that time.

"My daddy was an ambassador without portfolio to Central America, and particularly Nicaragua. He went down there...he was a professor of surgery at Tulane and some of the most distinguished Latin American citizens were the doctors. Some trained under him at Tulane, so he had a close connection with them. Some became government leaders. And he went down there several times, not as an ambassador, but as a doctor...he probably knew, or met, the fellow that came up to the Ochsner Clinic [Dr. Juan Cordova Cerna]. He came up to the clinic because of my dad's connection with those people, but I don't know specifically who took care of that patient or whether my dad was actually doing it..."

Dr. Ochsner was asked if his father had ever been approached by the CIA: "Yeah, some Argentinean colonel contacted my dad and said there was a Argentinean, he wouldn't say his name, that needed my dad's medical attention. He asked him to come down and see him, because for political reasons the man couldn't leave the country. Shortly before my dad saw that fella, the CIA visited my dad, and said 'Are you going down to see Peron?' And he said, 'I don't know who I am going to see'...He went down there and it was Juan Peron, he had a vascular occlusion of his leg. He needed a particular kind of surgery the Argentineans hadn't perfected. My dad was hesitant to do it in Argentina and, unfortunately, it was not politically right for Peron to leave Argentina. He entertained my dad royally."

ALTON OCHSNER AND THE CIA

The CIA reported: "Dr. Ochsner was of contact interest in October 1947 and November 1948. He has been a cleared source since May 13, 1955. The last official contact with Dr. Ochsner personally occurred on January 8, 1962, and with the Ochsner Clinic on November 8, 1963." Another CIA document read:

May 17, 1968

SUBJECT: Ochsner, Alton

Alton Ochsner, born May 4, 1896, at Kimball, South Dakota, is Director of the Ochsner Foundation and head of the Ochsner Clinic, New Orleans, Louisiana.

He was of contact interest in October 1947 and November 1948. His file indicates no further interest from that time.

Another CIA document read:

May 31, 1968

MEMORANDUM FOR: Chief, CI/RA [Raymond Rocca]

ATTENTION: Mr. Kesler

SUBJECT: OCHSNER, Edward William Alton aka OCHSNER, Alton BUTLER, Edward S.

REFERENCE: Memo dated May 17, 1968, from C/SRS/OS to C/CI/R&A - Subject: Ochsner, Alton.

Per your request of May 17, 1968, for additional information on Alton Ochsner that would (deleted) a manual search of Office of Security indices on Ochsner resulted in a record on Edward William Alton Ochsner who is identical to Alton Ochsner. A summary of information contained in Edward William Ochsner's file is attached.

Also attached for your information, per request of May 17, 1968, is a summary of Edward S. Butler which had been previously prepared for the information of the Director of Security.

Paul F. Gaynor, Chief Security Research Staff/Office of Security.

Attachment as stated:

SUBJECT: Ochsner, Edward William Alton aka Ochsner, Alton

Subject, who was born May 4, 1896, at Kimbell, South Dakota, is the Director of the Ochsner Clinic (Paragraph deleted).

His spouse's name was given as Mabel Lockwood Ochsner, born November 8, 1896, at Chicago, Illinois. They were married September 23, 1923, and have four children but the children's names were not listed.

There is no information in his file to reflect any connection with the Information Council of the Americas.

THE REGIME OF CARLOS CASTILLO-ARMAS

Carlos Castillo-Armas proved to be more dogmatically anti-Communist than Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes. Within a week of his taking power, the new government announced that it had arrested 4,000 people for taking part in Communist activity. Within four months, the Carlos Castillo-Armas government registered 72,000 people as Communists and expropriated the property of most of its political foes. It disenfranchised illiterate Guatemalans (more than 70% of the population), among whom the Communists had been influential. Under the Carlos Castillo-Armas government $900 million in aid flowed into Guatemala, largely from the U.S. The Carlos Castillo-Armas regime became inept and scandal-ridden. CIA was dismayed.

THE DEATH OF CARLOS CASTILLO-ARMAS

On July 26, 1957, President Carlos Castillo-Armas was shot down at about 9:00 p.m. as he and his wife prepared to enter the dining room of the Presidential Palace. He was struck by two bullets, one of which severed his aorta. A communiqué identified the assassin as Romeo Vasquez Sanchez, 20 years old; it said he immediately committed suicide with the same rifle he had used to kill the President. The first authorities to arrive on the scene after the shooting were all military, including the Minister of Defense. The Guatemalan Government described Romeo Vasquez Sanchez as a "Communist fanatic" who was expelled from the Guatemalan Army six months ago for "Communist ideology," but had joined the Presidential Palace Guard. Eight days later, the Guatemalan Government said Romeo Vasquez Sanchez had been dismissed from the Army in June 1955, two years ago. It claimed to have a 40-page handwritten diary in which the assassin referred to "a diabolic plan to put an end to the existence of the man who holds power." The diary read: "I have had the opportunity to study Russian communism. The great nation that is Russia is fulfilling a most important mission in history...the Soviet Union is the first world power in progress and scientific research." The Guatemalan Government claimed to have found evidence on the person of Romeo Vasquez Sanchez that linked him to Moscow. The evidence turned out to be a card from the Latin American service of Radio Moscow that read: "It is our pleasure, dear listener, to engage in correspondence with you. We are very thankful for your regular listening to these programs."

When OSWALD was arrested in New Orleans, he had the name of a Radio Moscow commentator on his person.

A few days later, the Guatemalan presidential press office gave out photostatic copies of another postcard from Radio Moscow Romeo Vasquez Sanchez had just received. Government investigators linked Romeo Vasquez Sanchez to Moscow-directed Communist plotting, however, no evidence ever turned up that Romeo Vasquez Sanchez was a member of the Guatemalan Communist Party. The death of Carlos Castillo-Armas was then blamed on his enemies within the government. Forty-eight civilians were brought in for questioning and 17 Presidential Guard members were court-martialed. Two privates were sentenced to two-year prison terms for alleged previous knowledge of a plot to kill the President. HUNT: "Now Carlos Castillo-Armas was dead, assassinated by a member of the Presidential bodyguard in whose pocket was found a card from Radio Moscow, and Ydigoras his elected heir. Perhaps, I reflected, the fact of Ydigoras' presidency meant he should have been selected six years earlier." [HUNT Day p119]

ANALYSIS

The scenario for the Carlos Castillo-Armas assassination was similar to that of the Kennedy assassination. Both assassins were alleged Communists who had no official Communist Party ties. Both assassins were to be killed shortly after the assassination - although there was a two-day delay in OSWALD'S case. Both assassins were supposed to be linked to Moscow - Romeo Vasquez Sanchez via a card from Radio Moscow, OSWALD through defection to Russia and a visit to Cuba. Both men kept diaries.

MIGUEL YDIGORAS FUENTES

The man who was really HUNT'S first choice, Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes, was elected Guatemalan President in 1958 after his defeat in a first election resulted in street riots, strikes, demonstrations and general lawlessness by his supporters. In return for quelling the disturbances, the junta proceeded to nullify the election and hold another. Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes won the second election. Six weeks later, he visited President Eisenhower in Washington, to show he was not the "rightist monster I have been painted."

Guatemala was again safe for American investments, and in 1959, Fortune magazine reported that United Fruit was "in Guatemala, Costa Rica and Honduras and is still the largest single private landowner, single largest business and largest corporate employer." The magazine noted that the former Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, General Walter Bedell Smith, had become a director of the United Fruit Company. [McCann United Fruit p62]

YDIGORAS FUENTES IS OUSTED

Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes instituted land and tax reforms then allowed Juan José Arévalo, a anti-Communist socialist, to return to Guatemala from exile in Mexico City. Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes believed that the return of Juan José Arévalo would eventually redound to the benefit of Roberto Alejos, whom he was grooming as his successor. Instead, Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes was overthrown and Roberto Alejos arrested. In 1963 Roberto Alejos' candidate for Congressional President, Manuel Orellana Portillo, was arrested on drug charges. [Scott, Deep Pol. p337] The Minister of Defense, Enrique Peralta Azudia, took charge of the government. Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes flew to Nicaragua, where he praised the generals who had removed him from power. After this coup, many leftists were allegedly murdered. No reports of the murders appeared in the press in 1963. Nonetheless in 1976, Andrew St. George, a journalist with CIA contacts, located a Cuban exile who participated in the extermination sweeps. The exile claimed he was flown to Guatemala in a black airplane with no markings, given a gun and a police identification card by Colonel Barrios, the Guatemalan in charge of the operation, then commanded to kill specific leftists.

ANDREW ST. GEORGE

MEMORANDUM FOR THE RECORD July 25, 1975

SUBJECT: Andrew St. George

aka: Andrew Szent Gyorgi

SF # 424 122

1. Andrew St. George was first of interest to the Office of Security in December 1949 upon receipt of information of a counter-intelligence nature concerning Soviet intelligence service use of Andrew St. George as an agent in Vienna, Austria, in the mid-1940's. In December 1958 Andrew St. George was of interest to the Western Hemisphere Division for debriefing regarding his knowledge of Castro rebel activities, however, this interest was short-lived, being canceled in January 1959. In January 1960 St. George was of interest to the Domestic Contacts Division as a source of foreign positive intelligence, and he was contacted by 00/Contact Division then and again in February 1962 and March 1964. His wife, Jean St. George, nee: Hoopes (SF #428675) was also of interest to 00/Contact Division in August 1960. (Note: Mrs. St. George is a cousin of former staff employee, Mary F. Wallen, SF # 34 760).

2. For the most part, the St. George file contains information of a counter-intelligence nature and information concerning his writings. There is cross-reference information in the file identifying at least one DDO asset. [CIA MFR 7.25.75; Werbell doc. grp.; FBI 118-5695, 100-347094; FBI 62-5, Serial 44368 UnID; FBI WFO 118-5519 p5; Wall Street Journal 4.18.80]

E. HOWARD HUNT: 1955 to 1957

HUNT won a Commendation from Tracy Barnes for his part in PB SUCCESS. As noted by PHILLIPS, "HOWARD HUNT was assigned to the American Embassy in Tokyo" in 1955. In 1955 the Inspector General of the CIA generated several reports regarding the HUNT'S activities in Japan. Some were memorandums by Bruce Solie regarding the employment of Mrs. Hunt at the Argentine Embassy, Tokyo, others concerned "Activities of HUNT and his Wife in Tokyo: HUNT and the Screen Writers Guild and Authors League of America; HUNT'S feeling Towards Communism - Stella Kim." In 1956 HUNT worked on the U-2 project: "I had been involved [with Richard Bissell] in arranging certain landing and takeoff privileges for U-2 aircraft abroad."

On June 7, 1956, the CIA generated this Inter-Office Memorandum to File:

Subject: Cross References.

1. During processing or review, it has been determined that a possible or actual relationship exists, or may exist, between or among the person listed below: (Deleted) (illegible numbers) #39128, #36992, #37268, #37736, #39772, HUNT HOWARD #23500."

HUNT'S assignment in Japan ended in February 1957.

1957 CHIEF OF STATION MONTEVIDEO, URUGUAY

HUNT was Station Chief in Montevideo, Uruguay from January 1957 to June 1960.On October 22, 1956, Joseph M. Adams, Chief, Official Cover and Liaison, sent a Request For Security Certification to the Chief of the Personnel Security Division regarding HUNT: "It is requested that the appropriate security certification be prepared and forwarded to the (deleted) as soon as possible. This SAC is to be assigned to (deleted) and will depart Washington for PCS on or about March 1, 1957." Tad Szulc reported HUNT secretly organized a plan to overthrow the Uruguayan Government of President Benito Nardone. [Szulc Compulsive Spy p77] When HUNT'S Attorney, Ellis Rubin, asked him to name the source of this information, Szulc said he was unclear on the matter. The CIA created this index card: "HUNT, E. HOWARD CR #160644 *(deleted) Memo for NYFO May 5, 1958 WH Div May 20, 1958 May 5, 1958 for NFO May 20, 1958 for WHO 0595211."

FRANK FIORINI STURGIS 1924 TO 1945

It was unclear when FRANK FIORINI'S mother, Mary Vona, was born. In 1945 Mary Vona listed her age as 35 years old on her daughter's birth certificate. That would mean she was born in 1910. Frank Angelo Fiorini wed Mary Vona in 1920 in Norfolk, Virginia; their son, FRANK ANTHONY FIORINI was born on December 9, 1924.

STURGIS told the Rockefeller Commission that his father's name was Angelo Anthony Fiorini.

STURGIS: "Both of my mother's parents were born in Italy, and both of my father's parents were born in Italy." In 1926 Mary Vona and Frank Angelo Fiorini separated. That year, a half-sister of FRANK FIORINI died at the age of six. FRANK FIORINI moved to the home of his aunt, Kathleen Parsons, in Philadelphia. This dwelling was a former servant's quarters. FRANK FIORINI lived in Philadelphia from 1930 to 1942. In 1939 Mary Vona married Ralph Sturgis. During his deposition in HUNT v. ajweberman, STURGIS was not asked if his stepfather legally adopted him, but the FBI found no indication of this during its investigation. FRANK FIORINI went to Catholic school then attended Roosevelt Junior High School, Philadelphia, and Germantown High School, Philadelphia.. At 16, his I.Q. was 96. After two years of high school, FRANK FIORINI became an apprentice machinist, and worked in a ball bearing factory. STURGIS would later claim that he had "strong leanings to become a Catholic priest."

MILITARY SERVICE

STURGIS enlisted in the Marines on October 5, 1942, at Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. In October 1942 he trained at Parris Island, South Carolina. His infantry weapons record listed him as a "sharpshooter."STURGIS was shipped to the Pacific jungles, where, on March 16, 1943, he volunteered for the Marine's toughest unit, the First Marine Raider Battalion, First Marine Raider Regiment, First Marine Amphibious Corps - the legendary Edson's Raiders, where he was a message center man. STURGIS said he "Went behind enemy lines and disrupted communications and supply lines, sent back intelligence information...prisoners if possible." [High Times Interview] He also served as an Automatic Rifleman and later as a "Rifle Gr. Lor. (937)" He left Norfolk, Virginia, on December 15, 1942, and arrived in American Somoa in January 1943. On March 1, 1943, STURGIS left American Somoa and sailed to New Caladonia. In May 1943 he left New Caladonia for Guadalcanal. He participated in action against the enemy on New Georgia Island, British Solomon Islands, from July 4, 1943, to August 29, 1943. On September 4, 1943, STURGIS' unit was given this commendation: "The part played by your force, (Deleted), is a story of sacrifice and hardship that will long live in the pages of American Military History. In the face of heavy odds of weather, dense jungle, and savage resistance by the enemy, in virtually impregnable positions, your forces carried the fight to the Jap, in the (Deleted) region, relentlessly and with superb heroism, pinning the enemy to the ground and with the aid of elements of the (Deleted) Division, flanking him from the south, forced him to eventually withdraw. M.F. Harmon, Lt. General." Secretary of the Navy James Forrestal wrote this commendation: "For outstanding heroism in action against enemy Japanese forces, during the invasion of Guam, Marianas Islands, From July 21, 1944, to August 10, 1944. Functioning as a combat unit for the first time, the First Provisional Marine Brigade forced a landing against strong hostile defenses and well camouflaged positions, steadily advancing inland under the relentless fury of the enemy's heavy artillery, mortar and small arms fire to secure a firm beachhead by nightfall. Executing a difficult turning movement to the north, this daring and courageous unit fought its way yard by yard through the mangrove swamps, dense jungles and over cliffs and though terrifically reduced in strength under the enemies fanatical counter-attacks, hunted the Japanese in caves, pill boxes and foxholes and exterminated them. By their individual acts of gallantry and their indomitable fighting teamwork throughout this bitter and costly struggle, the men of the First Provisional Brigade aided immeasurably in the restoration of Guam to our sovereignty." STURGIS was in Guadalcanal in January 1944 and engaged in combat with the enemy on New Georgia Island, British Solomon Islands. On March 17, 1944, STURGIS embarked on board APD's and sailed from Guadalcanal and participated in the seizure of Emirau Island. On March 23, 1944, he was back in Guadalcanal. On May 30, 1944, STURGIS embarked on board an LST at Guadalcanal and sailed therefrom on May 31, 1944. On July 21, 1944, he disembarked at Guam Island, Marianas Group, and participated in action against the enemy.He was wounded in the right wrist in Guam on July 21, 1944, (STURGIS had a one inch scar outside his right wrist), and won the Purple Heart in August 1944. No disciplinary action was noted in his records. He had attained the rank of Corporal. His principal duties were "Machine Gun crew man, Automatic Rifleman F.T. Leader." He left Guam on March 14, 1945, and disembarked March 15, 1945, at Okinawa, and participated in action against the enemy. He left there on May 7, 1945. On May 30, 1945, STURGIS left Guam and arrived in Seattle, Washington, on June 17, 1945. STURGIS: "I was considered, with my Marine training for those years, to be an expert in all types of weapons." [Rock. Comm. Test. p25] While on leave, STURGIS fathered a son, Ronnie Sturgis, born July 1, 1944. Ronnie Sturgis advised the FBI in 1967: "My father abandoned me. My mother died when my father was overseas. I first contacted my father in 1960, after I saw an article about him in Parade magazine."

ALMOND KINZELL HULSEY

STURGIS' mother, nee Mary Vona, divorced Ralph Sturgis and married Almond Kinzell Hulsey, (born January 4, 1913 died April 1974) a 32 year old bus driver for the Miami Transit Company, in 1945. STURGIS told the Norfolk Police Department his mother's name was Mary Hulsey. [FBI 139-4089-146] Hulsey and Mary Vona Fiorini Sturgis had a child: The Navy reported:

To Whom This May Concern: June 4, 1945

Subject: Mrs. Mary Fiorini, mother of Corp. FRANK A. FIORINI, USMC.

1. Subject Mrs. Fiorini is a patient under the care of medical officers at this dispensary before and since the delivery of her last baby on February 24, 1945 at the U.S. Naval Dispensary, Miami Beach, Florida. At present she is very much concerned with the care of herself and the infant who is a feeding problem.

2. According to the credited information from Subject, Mrs. Fiorini, and from Navy Relief investigators, she is a dependent-in-fact of her son, Corp. FRANK A. FIORINI, who has served with the Marines overseas for three years and was wounded in action. Her present infant is the child of a civilian who disappeared five and a half weeks after their marriage. She must take care of the child and herself without help, and lives on the dependant's allowance contributed by her son in the Marines. It is therefore natural that she desires that her son be transferred to duty in this locality and she does in fact need assistance which is not otherwise available. At the same time she is very proud of her son, as a Marine, and does not wish him to leave the service."

CARMELA FRANCES HULSEY

Mary Vona gave birth to Carmela Frances Hulsey. Carmela Frances Hulsey committed suicide on February 9, 1971. [FBI 139-4089-861, 122, 911 w/h] The FBI reported: "The following investigation was conducted by S.A. Joseph O'Brien at Norfolk, Virginia: On August 10, 1972, a photograph of one Carmela Francis Moore, who is described as a white female, date of birth February 24, 1945, 5'3" tall, weighing 103 pounds, blue eyes, blonde hair, was exhibited to Angelo Fiorini, the father of subject FRANK ANTHONY FIORINI. Angelo Fiorini identified this photograph was being a step-sister of subject FIORINI. Angelo Fiorini advised that this girl had accidentally died in the city of Norfolk, Virginia, approximately a year and half ago. Fiorini stated that prior to her death, MOORE, whose maiden named was Hulsey, had been divorced from her husband Michael Moore and had subsequently remarried. Fiorini stated that Francis was born to his former wife Mary, and her second husband, whose name was Hulsey. Fiorini said he did not know what Moore's married name was at the time of her death. Fiorini indicated that Moore used to work as a photographer for one Milton Maser. Maser is deceased, however his business accounts were previously handled by one Herb Levin." Through Levin the FBI was able to determine the Moore had remarried under the name Aubrey. Aubrey's death certificate indicated that she had died on February 9, 1971, by suicide, as Aubrey shot herself.

STURGIS: 1945 TO 1956

STURGIS was discharged as a Corporal on October 23, 1945 due to demobilization. Prior to his discharge from the Marines in 1945, STURGIS entered Sun Valley Naval Center, Idaho, because of "exhaustion and possible psychoneurosis" and "somnambulism." STURGIS told High Times Magazine: "I didn't realize that volunteering to join the service would radically change my whole concept of life. I was wounded twice. I received several medals and commendations. My last major operation was in Okinawa. I was sent back from a hospital ship with shell shock, they called it 'psychoneurosis hysteria.' I jumped ship many times to get back to my unit. I couldn't sleep. You see, the rule in the Pacific at that time was that if a man was wounded twice he was sent back to the United States automatically. Well, not only was I wounded twice, I spent over the enlisted time and even volunteered to stay longer." High Times asked: "So they thought you were crazy?" "Well, I'd been in so many battles, I think possibly I was trying to prove something to myself by going into the service - not ever having killed a person in my life, then being trained and brainwashed to kill people in all different aspects of warfare and hand-to-hand combat. Killing people with a knife. Silent killing. I was trained at this and I was very good at it." STURGIS suffered from combat fatigue. STURGIS escaped three times from the Sun Valley Naval Center before he was given a medical release. [Jack Anderson Wash. Post 12.60] He received an Honorable Discharge. STURGIS' home was listed as Miami, Florida, on the Discharge.

ANALYSIS

STURGIS became a Marine at age 17 and engaged in combat almost immediately. If not for World War II, FRANK STURGIS may have become a priest. STURGIS survived years of intensive combat including Iwo Jima, Okinawa and Guadalcanal, which was located in the Solomon Islands. He loved combat and action. He was in so many battles that eventually he began to show signs of mental instability.

BETTY FIORINI

In 1945 STURGIS moved to Miami, where he married Nora Odell Thompson, aka Betty Fiorini, born June 13, 1938 at Radford, Virginia. Nora Odell Thompson had a record of arrests for prostitution. The FBI reported: "According to the records of Norfolk, Virginia, Police Department, Thompson was last arrested at that city on August 7, 1953." STURGIS told Robert Olsen of the Rockefeller Commission that "He started getting involved with Cuban people in Miami in about 1945. Carlos Prio was first forced out of Cuba by Batista in 1946. STURGIS' uncle was married to a Cuban woman and was either in exile or was visiting Florida." [RCD Olsen telephone conversation with STURGIS 4.29.75] STURGIS and Nora Odell Thompson moved to Norfolk, Virginia, in June 1946, so that STURGIS could join the Police Force there. He was employed as a Norfolk City Patrolman from June 5, 1946, to September 7, 1946.He quit the Police Department, no reason given, and worked as a bartender and nightclub manager of the Virginia Tavern, in Norfolk, Virginia. In 1949 he was the owner and manager of the Whitehorse Tavern. [Dept. of Navy FOIA req. 5720 ARAD 5U000597 3.14.95 B.L. Thompson; Watergate FBI file on STURGIS]

STURGIS was in the United States Naval Reserve at the Norfolk Air Station from November 9, 1947 to August 30, 1948. After receiving an honorable discharge one year later, he joined the United States Merchant Marines in 1950 and traveled to and from Europe. The Norfolk, Virginia, Police Department files reflected that FIORINI was fingerprinted as an applicant for a National Defense Program on January 27, 1950. STURGIS: "I went to Europe in the early 1950's. I was with the Army Security Agency in Heidelberg, Germany, which was EUCOM Headquarters. While I was there I met a young lady with the Israeli Intelligence that I found out later on was a Hungarian actress...I was going to Officer's Candidates School, and I declined on that." [Rock. Comm. Test.] STURGIS told High Times Magazine "Well, I was in Berlin with a soldier friend of mine and we heard some screaming and ruckus that was going on in an alley. We went to investigate because we heard a woman's voice, and we got mixed up with three young Germans and had a nice little battle with them. The girl was pretty well beaten. Later I found out that she was a Hungarian actress, Jewish, and the three Germans belonged to the Nazi youth party that was still operating underground in Germany. Having saved her life I developed a very good relationship with this young lady who started visiting me in the barracks and all. I didn't realize until later that she was the girlfriend of one of the army colonels who was on General Clay's staff. The Colonel found out about us and shipped me out of Berlin. Through a fickle finger of fate I wound up with the Army Security Agency. When I returned to the States, when I was still going with her, I became very suspicious of some of her activities. I found that she was working very hard for the liberation of Israel and I told her I would certainly help her in Israel if I could, because I was very sympathetic to the underdog. I returned to Europe, met her again, and helped her in her activities over a period of years. I assisted her as a courier in some of the work she did for Israel. As the years went by her work became more serious and there were some things I could not do for her. Eventually I lost contact with her, and to this day I don't know whether she is dead or alive." Documents indicated STURGIS was granted a Top Secret clearance and he handled reports from Allied agents in Berlin. STURGIS received a Dependency Discharge from the Army. In 1952 this was changed to an Honorable Discharge. He moved to Miami and found work as a taxi driver. In June 1950 he was arrested for beating Nora Odell Thompson. From 1952 to 1954 STURGIS owned and managed a bar in Virginia Beach, Virginia. On September 23, 1952, STURGIS filed this petition:

VIRGINIA: IN THE CIRCUIT COURT OF THE CITY OF NORFOLK

IN RE: FRANK ANGELO FIORINO

PETITION FOR CHANGE OF NAME

To the Honorable Clyde H. Jacob, Judge:

Your petitioner, FRANK ANGELO FIORINO, respectfully represents the following facts:

1. That he is a resident of the Commonwealth of Virginia, and was born in the city of Norfolk, Virginia, on December 9, 1924, and has resided and been domiciled in the City of Norfolk, State of Virginia, since his birth.

2. That he is the son of Mary Fiorino (whose maiden name was Mary Vona) and Angelo Fiorino, and that Mary Fiorino, the Mother of FRANK ANGELO FIORINO, divorced her husband, Angelo Fiorino, about fifteen years ago, and that his Mother married one Ralph Sturgis, and that he has been living with his Mother, ever since birth in the City of Norfolk, State of Virginia.

3. Your petitioner desires to change his name from FRANK ANGELO FIORINO to FRANK ANTHONY STURGIS, for the reason that he has been living with his mother all of his life, and that she is known as Mary Sturgis, and that it is also the desire of his step-father to have his name changed from FRANK ANGELO FIORINO to FRANK ANTHONY STURGIS. (Signed) FRANK ANGELO FIORINO. On September 23, 1952, STURGIS petition was granted.

STURGIS was questioned about this name change in the course of HUNT v. ajweberman:

Q. Did you use the name STURGIS prior to 1953?

A. No. I always used FIORINI.

Q. Did you use STURGIS prior to 1953?

A. No. No; only when my name was changed because my stepfather, because of my stepfather, his name was Ralph Sturgis.

Q. So in 1953, you adopted the name STURGIS legally.

A. Yes.

Q. And from that time forward you shifted from FIORINI to STURGIS?

A. I only use FIORINI on legal matters.

Q. Do you remember how old you were when your mother remarried?

A. God. I can't remember. I believe she was married either in Carolina, or in Virginia.

ANALYSIS

This petition contained numerous false statements. First, the name FIORINO instead of FIORINI was used. FRANK signed the document "FIORINO." FRANK was living with a prostitute at the time, not with his mother and father. Ralph Sturgis had either divorced Mary Vona, or left Mary Vona when she became involved with Hulsey and gave birth to his child. By the time STURGIS returned to Norfolk, Ralph Sturgis was long gone, so his story that he wanted to adopt his stepfathers name was totally false. STURGIS told the Rockefeller Commission: "Well, the reason for that was that I felt there were too many Fiorinis, Frank Fiorini especially. I don't know. My mother wanted me to change the name, really, she influenced me to change the name from FIORINI to STURGIS, because she had a bad situation with my father and hated the Fiorini family. So naturally she convinced me, I want you to change your name to STURGIS from FIORINI."

On September 20, 1954, Betty Fiorini was shot in the head and killed by Lyghia Buckwater. The FBI described both women as prostitutes. Buckwater was sentenced on October 15, 1954, to 15 years in prison for second degree murder. The FBI reported: "On instant date, Bureau agents interviewed subject's former wife, Juanita Fiorini Sturgis, presently remarried and known as Juanita Nelson...Nelson advised that she met Subject in approximately 1954 and married him at Norfolk, Virginia, in May 1956. Subject deserted her in March 1957, at which time he apparently went to Cuba to work for Castro as a mercenary. During the time she knew him, Subject was employed as a tavern manager at various bars in downtown, Norfolk, Virginia, also, Subject allegedly engaged in gambling activities; however no specifics known regarding this. Also, Subject worked for an insurance company, name unknown, and at Walker Realty, Norfolk, Virginia, as a real estate salesman. Nelson stated that the Subject had been married one time before; however she did not know where Subject had married his former wife, known to her only as Betty. Nelson said that Subject's former wife, Betty, was shot and killed by another woman, but did not know the exact location or date of this incident. Nelson stated that on one occasion prior to her marriage to STURGIS, she took a trip down with him to Miami, Florida; however she did not know what her husband did at that time. After their marriage in May 1956 they returned to Miami, Florida, for a trip, at which time Subject attended pro-Castro meetings at a convention hall on Flagler Street in downtown Miami. This trip was of short duration and the last one she took with the Subject to Miami. During the time they resided together, Nelson wrote several letters to various Cubans in Miami and Cuba for the Subject. In these letters, the Subject offered his services to Castro as a mercenary. Just prior to his leaving Norfolk, Virginia, for Cuba in March 1957, STURGIS started a check-kiting scheme so that he could finance his trip to Cuba. Subject was never prosecuted for this, nor did he ever repay the money. Nelson was not sure at which bank this scheme was perpetrated. Nelson stated that she divorced the Subject sometime in the early 1960's; however, she could not remember the date. After the Subject returned from Cuba, she remembers seeing him on three different occasions in Norfolk, Virginia. On the first occasion, Subject was still in the employ of Fidel Castro and was passing through Norfolk en route to New York City on official business for Cuba. The second time she saw him was in the home of James Kestner, a writer for the Virginian-Pilot and Ledger Star, daily newspapers in Norfolk, Virginia. Nelson thought that this meeting took place in 1960 and believed it was after STURGIS had left Castro. Nelson said she saw STURGIS one other time in Norfolk, Virginia, and thinks it was around 1965, however, she could give no details regarding this meeting. Nelson said that while the Subject was working for Castro she met him on two or three occasions in hotels in Washington, D.C. and New York City. During the last meeting in New York, STURGIS told Nelson he was disenchanted with Castro's activities and was thinking of talking to the CIA...On instant date, records of the Circuit Court, Norfolk, Virginia, indicated that Subject's wife, Juanita Fiorini was granted a divorce from Subject under the name FRANK ANTHONY FIORINI (STURGIS) on May 2, 1961. She was awarded a decree vinculo matrimonii and divorce was based on desertion. Instant date (Deleted) advised Subject, under name FRANK FIORINI, attended the college of William and Mary College at Norfolk, Virginia, as a part time student during the spring semester, 1954 and fall semester 1954 and 1955. Subject was dropped on January 24, 1955 for non-attendance." [FBI 159-4089-474]

CUBAN AFFAIRS: STURGIS 1956

STURGIS traveled to Miami in 1956, where he met Carlos Prio Soccarras. STURGIS: "I had family on my mother's side living in Miami. One of my uncles lived there married a Cuban woman. My uncle's name was Angelo Vona. And this is how I got involved in the Cuban situation. She lived here in exile during the time of Fulgencio Batista. She was one of President Carlos Prio's people." At this time, Carlos Prio Soccarras was funding Fidel Castro, who allegedly had promised to restore him to the presidency, should his revolution against Fulgencio Batista prove successful. STURGIS told High Times Magazine about when he first met Fidel Castro: "It was in Miami at the Flagland Theater, where he had a meeting with the Cuban colony. One of his principal underground chiefs in the Miami area was the owner of the Pollack Restaurant in downtown Miami. So, through Mr. Pollack, who I got to know, I met Fidel. I was introduced and Fidel says, 'I can use people like you. With your past experience, I can use people like you in the revolution.' Fine, when you need me, call me, I told Fidel.

ANALYSIS

No one ever questioned STURGIS' uncle, Angelo Vona, who was allegedly married to a Cuban exile. We have to take his word that this was how he first became involved in anti-Batista activity.

WALLACE SHANLEY

Former U.S. Customs agent Wallace Shanley recalled the FRANK FIORINI of the late 1950's: "FRANK was trying to bring arms into Santiago, Cuba. He and another soldier-of-fortune had gathered up a collection of this and that, without any clear mandate from Fidel or anybody. They didn't seem to have any real connection. They just wanted to get it in, and use these arms as an entré and so forth. They usually obtained the arms from Interarmco, but as I remember, it was such an assortment of gun shell type materiels, I can't see this as a clear shipment from Interarmco. It was an amateur effort. Now a young man came to me and he said, 'I am working with this guy named FRANK FIORINI, he's down in Cuba now. I have kinda lost my stomach for this business, and besides, I've fallen in love with a girl. I need $500, and I want to get the hell out of here and see no more of FRANK FIORINI.' I sent him to someone at the Cuban Consulate who was very skilled in security matters. He promised the kid $500. The kid gave me an affidavit whereupon I searched FRANK'S house and in the house I found what I expected - an arms cache. The Consul said, 'We nailed that guy FIORINI down in Santiago and we have him down there. We're kind of done with him. We kinda of weakened him, and we don't think he wants any more of it. What would you do if he came up here?' I said 'I would arrest him.' When he returned I gave FRANK a preliminary hearing. He wasn't represented, so the Commissioner asked him if he had anything to say. He said, 'Oh yes' and he pulled up his lose shirt and his back was a mass of welts. It was all colors of the rainbow. But FRANK always had this wonderful smile. Fidel was very much indebted to him. It was hard to get arms in there."

When STURGIS returned to Norfolk from Miami, he was arrested for immoral conduct: cohabitation with Juanita K. Terrell. On May 11, 1956, he and Juanita K. Terrell were married. The family of Juanita K. Terrell was close to Carlos Prio Soccarras, and she had been the Subject of an FBI investigation. He met with Juanita K. Terrell in Washington, D.C., just before a flight to Cuba in March 1957.

STURGIS AND THE ROCKEFELLER COMMISSION

On March 3, 1975 STURGIS was questioned about his early CIA connections in Cuba. The interview with STURGIS is presented here almost in it's entirety. [NARA SSCIA 157-10005-10125]

Schwarzer: The first subject area we want to question you about is your association if any with the CIA. How, would you tell us whether you have ever had any kind of written or oral agreement or understanding with the CIA to perform services for them?

STURGIS: Yes, sir.

Schwarzer: And about when was it made?

STURGIS: Well, it would go back to Cuba. I will give you the first contact that I ever had in Cuba, which was Mr. Clark Wollan [born June 26, 1917]. He worked out of the American Consulate in Santiago de Cuba. Yes sir. He made contact -- I forget how he made contact with me, but I believe the first contact I had with Mr. Wollan was at the Casa Grande Hotel, Sanitago.

Schwarzer: We don't want to go into all that detail. Can you just tell us the general nature of the services that you performed, according to your understanding, for the CIA while you were in Cuba. STURGIS: The services I performed were to recruit agents. This would be people in high standing, both in the civil government and in the military. The reason for this naturally, is my position that I held in Cuba.

Schwarzer: Were you paid for those services?

STURGIS: No sir. I was asked to -- I was asked if I wanted to be paid and I told them no.

Schwarzer: And what is the basis for the statement that you make that you are performing those services for the CIA, rather than somebody else?

STURGIS: Let me say this here, sir. I, at that time, assumed that the people that I was associated with were connected with the CIA. I could give you names. For instance Colonel Nichols, the American Military Air Attache. I believe at the time (deleted) worked (deleted).

Schwarzer: Did any of the Americans with whom you dealt while you were in Cuba identify themselves as being associated with or representing the CIA at any time?

STURGIS: No sir.

Schwarzer: During what period of time did you perform those services in Cuba?

STURGIS: I believe it was -- it might have been the last part of 1958, and also 1959.

Schwarzer: When did those services end in Cuba?

STURGIS: I left Cuba in June 30, 1959, and came to the U.S.

Schwarzer: When you came to the United States, did you ever reach any agreement, or contract, or understanding, or anything to that effect with anybody representing the CIA to work for the CIA in the U.S.

STURGIS: The people that I was in touch with, sir, were people that I was associated with, or people who told me they were working for the Agency.

Schwarzer: Did you yourself make a contract either written or oral with the CIA in the U.S?

STURGIS: An oral understanding, yes.

Schwarzer: When was that made?

STURGIS: I would think that it started in Cuba, and continued when I came to the U.S.

Schwarzer: Was that understanding which you described which you reached in Cuba ever reaffirmed with anybody or renewed or confirmed in the U.S?

STURGIS: Well, the people I was in touch with naturally was Sam Jennis, that was his code name.

Schwarzer: Can we refer to this person as Jenis?

STURGIS: Yes. The full name is Jose Joachim Sanjennes Pardomo, this is the full name. The other two persons was Louis Sanjennes, the brother. The brother was Sergio (Roger) Sanjennes.

Schwarzer: Are those their correct names?

STURGIS: These are their correct names, yes sir. This is the Sajennes family.

Schwarzer: What were the pseudonyms under which these people operated?

STURGIS: Well, Sergio, or Roger, he had a code name in Havana which I knew him under - Garcia. We worked together in 1959 and continued into 1959.

Schwarzer: What was the code name for Louis?

STURGIS: With Louis, I did not know his code name.

Schwarzer: Did Sam have a code name?

STURGIS: That was his code name, Sam Jennis. This is Jose Joachim. And his code name was Sam Jennis.

Schwarzer: Okay. Now do you know if any of these people were employed by the CIA, any of the three names that you have mentioned?

STURGIS: No sir. My understanding, after years went by, with Sergio that Joachim -- or Sam -- let's call him Sam Jennis was an employee, and had a fairly good position with the CIA. As a matter of fact, there was an outing between Sam and Sergio because of his position with the CIA, that was a little bad blood.

Schwarzer: Did Sam ever tell you he was working for the CIA?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Schwarzer: Sam did.

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Schwarzer: What did he say his position was?

STURGIS: Well, he never told me what his position was. He told me he was working with the CIA.

Schwarzer: When did he tell you that?

STURGIS: I would say in 1959.

Schwarzer: Was that in Cuba or here in the U.S?

STURGIS: No, that was here in the U.S.

Schwarzer: What services did you perform for these people, the three people that you have mentioned here.

STURGIS: It was everything of an intelligence nature. I took guns and equipment to Cuba, I took men to Cuba. I made various air and road operations into Cuba, and boats that were under my name. And I have the records of the boats that were in my name, and the CIA should have those records. The airplane, a B-25 that I had, B-25 Mitchell, the serial name of that, that was used and paid for by CIA money, to be used during the Bay of Pigs invasion. One or more of my boats were infiltration, I let the Cubans have them for infiltration inside Cuba. Naturally I had contact with BARKER. BARKER didn't realize what I was doing, but I knew he was working as an Administrative Assistant to EDUARDO, which I did not know as E. HOWARD HUNT.

Schwarzer: Were you ever paid for any services by the CIA?

STURGIS: Directly, no sir. In cash, yes.

Schwarzer: Who paid you? This is now services rendered in the U.S. From who did you receive money in payment for your services?

STURGIS: When I said that I received money for my services, it was in the form of expense money, sir. If I did an operation expenses were needed either for the boat or for the airplane, and things like that. I do know that the money did come inadvertently through someone else. For instance, the airplane, B-25 aircraft, needed to be fixed. Money was given to fix the airplane. Diaz Lanz, Pedro Diaz Lanz, who was my personal friend, who was the ex-Chief of the Air Force in Cuba under Fidel Castro, he was one of the people that I did make contact with in the Embassy between the Chief of the Air Force and the American Embassy. He was in exile. E. HOWARD HUNT gave X amount of thousands of dollars to, at least okayed this money for the B-25 bomber to be repaired and then readied in condition for any operations inside of Cuba.

Schwarzer: As I understand it, after you came to the U.S. in 1959 you received money from time to time for expenses, either the providing of boats, or making repairs on boats or airplanes, is that correct?

STURGIS: Yes, for penetration in and out of Cuba.

Schwarzer: But you did not receive any money in compensation for services rendered by you?

STURGIS: No sir.

Schwarzer: Who were the people who paid you the money?

STURGIS: Let me say this, sir. You must understand at that time my position. I had my own funds at the time. I felt that I was a very patriotic man, and I felt that if I was going to serve my country, other than being in the military, that I would work, if and when possible, without a salary. I refused to become an employee of Central Intelligence Agency at one time. And I do have the applications here that I could show you.

Schwarzer: Could you just identify the names of the person who paid you the money, the money you received to make the repairs and provide the boats?

STURGIS: Let's say this here. I did not directly receive the money for repairs. I had the B-25 in my name. I had the B-25 for Pedro Diaz Lanz and a special air group that was formed by CIA which Pedro Diaz Lanz was in charge of -- the contact was there, which I made for Pedro Diaz Lanz, with BERNARD BARKER, who was the Assistant to E. HOWARD HUNT.

Schwarzer: Then it is correct to say that you have never received any money yourself from the CIA?

STURGIS: Personally, no, from the people directly, no.

Schwarzer: Did anybody receive money which you believed to be money from the CIA for your account, or in your behalf, or as your representative.

STURGIS: I would think so, sir.

Schwarzer: Pardon? Do you know for a fact whether they did or not?

STURGIS: Again, we are standing on a legal thing, like, if I was there with you and saw the money being given, which would be given to me, I would say, yes. But under the conditions, no, I have never seen this money being given.

Schwarzer: It is your belief that some of this money passed from hand to hand in that connection?

STURGIS: Oh, yes.

Schwarzer: What I want to know is, who is the person from whom the money came? Whom you associate with the CIA?

STURGIS: All right. There comes to my mind one other person. Let's say Pedro Diaz Lanz.

Schwarzer: Was he an employee of the CIA?

STURGIS: No, but he was connected with the CIA. I arranged for the connection.

Schwarzer: And he was the source of money?

STURGIS: He was one source of money.

Schwarzer: Are there any other sources of money which you believe to be CIA money?

STURGIS: Yes sir. Dr. Luis Conte Aguero...

Schwarzer: When did you receive the money.

STURGIS: Well, I can't tell you the year or the month. It was for a series of air operations that I was supposed to put together. And I agreed to do those operations myself, personally. One operation was over the City of Comaya, I dropped several thousand leaflets over that city. That is not only the capital of the Province of Comaya, but the Province.

Schwarzer: So you undertook certain air operations and you received some money in connection with it from this person whose name you have just mentioned?

STURGIS: Yes, sir.

Schwarzer: What was that money for?

STURGIS: It was to pay the expenses of the aircraft and the expense of the crew members.

Schwarzer: About how much money did you receive?

STURGIS: It would be approximately $5,000 per trip.

Schwarzer: And how many trips did you make?

STURGIS: I made approximately, for Luis Conte Aguero, I believe it was either four or five trips, I don't remember.

Schwarzer: Did he ever tell you that this money was coming from the CIA?

STURGIS: Not directly, sir. He told me that he was coming from the company. Company was a word that the CIA used. And I was very close with him. And again I state that when you are involved closely with the people, you know the people you are involved with. And he did tell me that the money he received was from the company.

Schwarzer: Was Luis Conte Aguero employed by the CIA?

STURGIS: I don't know sir, because a person who is employed -- agent won't tell you he is an agent unless you are directly associated with the intelligence community, then, when you are closely connected with them, then you know.

Schwarzer: Is there any person with whom you were closely enough connected to know that he was working for the CIA?

STURGIS: Yes sir. There is Roland Martinez, my friend from Cuba, to the Watergate.

Schwarzer: Did you get any money from Martinez at any time as payment on account of CIA services?

STURGIS: No sir.

Schwarzer: Was there any other person that you knew to be working for the CIA?

STURGIS: BERNARD L. BARKER.

Schwarzer: Did you receive any money from BARKER with respect to services for the CIA?

STURGIS: No sir.

Schwarzer: Did you ever provide information to the CIA directly or indirectly?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Schwarzer: And through what channel did you provide information?

STURGIS: Well, it was in a low channel. I was in constant touch with Sam, and BARKER asked me to assist him in some of the work -- some of the investigations that he was doing. And I agreed only after I got in touch with Sam, and Sam says, go ahead, no problem. Everybody was working for the same people.

Schwarzer: How often did you see Sam?

STURGIS: I would think once or twice a week on the average.

Schwarzer: And was this in Miami?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Schwarzer: And how long did that continue?

STURGIS: That continued for a period of years.

Schwarzer: Until approximately when?

STURGIS: I would say until 1970, I think.

Schwarzer: After you stopped -- why did you stop seeing Sam?

STURGIS: Well, it seems that policy has been changed, policy from Washington has been changed as far as many, or certain, CIA activities. That is what I was told. And many of the people who were working in the area who were connected with the CIA were just being let go. Some were put on retainer, like Martinez. So it all depends on the usefulness that the individual was doing.

Schwarzer: The question is, why did you stop seeing Sam? Was he taken off the payroll? Did he quit working for the CIA?

STURGIS: I don't know.

Schwarzer: What happened at your last meeting with Sam? Did you say, well, this is our last meeting, I am not going to see you anymore?

STURGIS: Well, no sir, Sam told me, he said, the policy has changed quite a bit. Understand one thing. When you are doing work with these people you have been closely associated with, you are constantly in touch with them.

Schwartzer: What happened between you and Sam at the time you stopped seeing him regularly once or twice a week?

STURGIS: Well, I was working at that time. And how it came about, this constantly meeting him once or twice a week over a period of years -- a lot of time I didn't see him for several weeks. And BARKER was the same thing. We were friends before the Bay of Pigs invasion, and I saw BARKER once, twice a week, sometimes I didn't see him for weeks later. Martinez was a little different. I knew Martinez was doing the penetrations into Cuba. And he was working quite regularly at the time. So naturally our contact was strictly, when I saw him accidentally, hello, good bye, and that was the end of it.

Schwartzer: Let's go back to Sam now. When you met Sam, whenever it was, during this period of 1970, did you meet him in business, or was it a social kind of thing?

STURGIS: Sometimes it was business, and sometimes it was social.

Schwartzer: When it was business what did you relate to? What kind of exchange did you and Sam have?

STURGIS: It was an exchange of intelligence information. For instance, Miami or South Florida is the hub of Latin American intrigue, double agents, agents from various countries. And Americans and Cubans, revolutionaries in this area, wanted to know about their activities, who were the bad guys, who were the good guys.

Schwartzer: And that sort of information you passed to Sam.

STURGIS: Yes. It would fall into the realm of domestic intelligence because many of these people were Americans.

Schwartzer: Did Sam ever pay you for providing him with intelligence?

STURGIS: Intelligence information, no sir.

Schwartzer: Did he ask you to get him specific kinds of intelligence?

STURGIS: Yes sir, groups who were planning to do crazy operations in Cuba, or people threatening to do bombings here in the U.S., threatening blackmail, extortion, things of that sort. And this type of information.

Schwartzer: Did Sam ever tell you that he was working for the CIA?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Schwartzer: Did he tell you whether he was an agent or employee? Did he describe to you what his position was with the CIA?

STURGIS: No sir. BARKER the same way, BARKER told me that he was working for the company.

Schwartzer: That he was working for the company?

STURGIS: He himself. It is the same thing, he did not say, hey, FRANK, I work for Central Intelligence Agency, because you don't do those things, but FRANK, I do work for the company, and FRANK, my station chief says come on, I am going to invite you out to dinner, it is on him. FRANK, here is a bottle of whiskey, my boss says this is for Christmas.

Schwartzer: How long did that go on, BARKER telling you he was working for the CIA?

STURGIS: Well, you don't consciously ever tell them.

Schwartzer: I know. But understand that BARKER was still working for the CIA in 1970, 1972?

STURGIS: No sir, I did not ask him. Once I knew -- now -- well, once he told me what was going on in the community, and so forth, I don't have to go ahead and ask him, hey, are you still working for the company?

Schwartzer: That is not my question. Is it your belief that BARKER continued working for the CIA up until 1970?

STURGIS: Yes it was my belief.

Schwartzer: That was what I wanted to know.

STURGIS: But I know he wasn't at a later date, I know he wasn't, because through the Watergate Committee records we found out that BARKER was fired.

Schwartzer: That BARKER was fired?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Schwartzer: Do you know when he was fired?

STURGIS: No, I don't.

Schwartzer: But later you found out that BARKER had been fired during a time when you still thought he was working for the CIA, isn't that right?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Schwartzer: And you thought he was working for the CIA right along, but you later found out that he wasn't?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Schwartzer: Okay. One other question. How did you get involved in Watergate? Who recruited you?

STURGIS: Well, BARKER again, having contact with him, socially and business-wise, and what have you, one day, I don't know when, he told me, it might have been in 1970, or it may have been weeks or months prior to my involvement with the Special Intelligence Unit, or my recruitment, he sat down and spoke with me and he says, FRANK, do you remember EDUARDO? Well, I spoke with EDUARDO, and we are putting something together. Your background and so forth. And we would like you to get involved with us again. The same people as before, the same Americans upstairs who were involved in the Bay of Pigs. They are the same type of people, strong anti-communists and so forth. And I told BARKER, hey MACHO -- is a nickname -- you have known me for many years, where it comes to Cuba or where it comes to the Government, I have been involved, why not? And my name was given for clearance. And he says, I am going to put your name in for clearance. And naturally I was cleared.

Schwartzer: Have you ever been involved in any other operation in the U.S. involving the Watergate entry.

STURGIS: No sir.

Schwartzer: Have you ever been asked prior to that and turned down or have it not materialize?

STURGIS: I was asked to participate, or asked to do, an assassination for them.

Schwartzer: In the United States?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Schwartzer: I will leave that to Mr. Olsen.

STURGIS: By the CIA.

Schwartzer: Were you asked to participate in the break-in of Dr. Fielding's office in September?

STURGIS: No, I did not know anything about that operation. I did not know anything about that operation until the lawyer contacted the man -- the Fielding operation, I didn't know about until while we were in prison, the lawyer contacted the two persons involved, which was BARKER and Martinez. And then I found out while I was in prison, naturally, about the Fielding operation.

Schwartzer: Did anybody tell you that the Watergate operation, before you did it, that that was a CIA operation?

STURGIS: No sir.

Schwartzer: But BARKER led you to believe that? You say the same people were involved as in the Cuban operation?

STURGIS: That was EDUARDO, yes. He mentioned EDUARDO. And again I don't know if it was in 1972 or the latter part of 1971 that I met E. HOWARD HUNT, and I was introduced. And he said, FRANK, this is HOWARD HUNT.

Olsen: Who introduced you?

STURGIS: BARKER did. And I said, oh, EDUARDO.

Olsen: Do we understand then FRANK, that you had heard of EDUARDO during the Bay of Pigs planning and so forth but you had never met him?

STURGIS: Right sir. To the best of my knowledge I had never met HOWARD HUNT up until the day in Miami when BARKER introduced me to HOWARD in his office.

Olsen: And this was in late 1971?

STURGIS: Either 1971 or 1972.

Schwarzer: Thanks very much.

Olsen: I would like to go back here, FRANK, and cover in a little bit further detail some of the same things Mr. Schwarzer was asking. He had a limited amount of time here and was trying to rush on, I think, and cover the subject rather hastily with you. And I would like to go back.

STURGIS: Mr. Olsen, may I ask you one thing, before I forget it, I meant to ask you at the beginning, is there a possible chance when you get the transcript made up, that I have a copy of it?

Olsen: No. You won't be able to have a copy, but you can come here and read the transcript. And if you want to make any corrections you will be given an opportunity to indicate what kind of corrections. The reason I say that you can't have a copy is because there are substantial portions of this transcript which are going to be classified.

STURGIS: I would think it would have to be.

Olsen: We can't allow classified material to be floating around. But a classification officer will come along after we get our work finished and will go through all those transcripts and decide what has to be classified and what will be released. And I suppose unclassified portions, you would be able to have a copy of that if you want it.

STURGIS: Right, sir.

Roethe: I may be popping in here from time to time. I have sort of got one ear open here. So you might expect a question every now and then from me. Did you go through preliminary rights?

Olsen: Yes. I have got a Miranda warning. However, Mr. Navarro, I don't know that we have got your form signed. Did you sign yours?

Navarro: I will sign it.

(Off the record discussion)

STURGIS: Mr. Olsen, Clark F. Wollan, I assumed at that time, was the American Counsel General of Santiago, Cuba. I am not really sure of his position, whether he might have been below that official status or what. But I assumed at the time that is what his position was.

Olsen: You said that Clark Wollan's position was that of Consul General?

STURGIS: I assume his position was American Consul in Santiago, Cuba. And he may have been a lesser official but I would assume that that is what his base was in the American Embassy. Because we are going back many, many years.

Roethe: We understand that you are going back a long way, and we don't want you to be guessing at answers.

STURGIS: You see, I used to have a lot of notes, but unfortunately I destroyed them. And even up to today, since I have been out of prison, I have kept daily notes...I have a document also which I will show you later, I will have to dig it out, which shows that I was in touch with the American Embassy on matters pertaining to what we have been discussing...

Olsen: Let me go back. First of all you were born in the United States, were you not?

STURGIS: Yes, I was born in Norfolk, Virginia, FRANK ANGELO FIORINI. My father's name is Angelo Anthony Fiorini. I was considered FRANK ANGELO FIORINI the fourth, because my grandfather's name was FRANK FIORINI, Senior, and his son, which is my uncle, his name was Frank Fiorini Junior, who has a son called Frank Fiorini the third, which makes me FRANK FIORINI the fourth.

Olsen: But actually your father's name was not Frank Fiorini?

STURGIS: It was Angelo. That is why I am the fourth.

Olsen: And your mother was also of Italian extraction?

STURGIS: My mother's name was Mary Vona. She was born in Portland, Maine.

Olsen: And your mother was also of Italian extraction?

STURGIS: Yes, not Cuban extraction like some of the Watergate investigators have said, I have told you.

Olsen: And how long did you live in the U.S. before you first went to Cuba?

STURGIS: When I just turned 17 years old I joined the U.S. Marine Corps. and spent seven weeks training in Parris Island, South Carolina. And I went to the South Pacific, and joined Edson's Raiders in Samoa. And from there I climbed all the way up the ladder. My last outfit was the Sixth Marine Division, with General Buckner's 10th Army, in the invasion of Omaha. So I was considered, with my Marine training for those years, to be expert in all types of weapons.

Olsen: When did you say you entered the Marine Corps?

STURGIS: I think it was 1942. And I was discharged in 1945 at Klamath Falls, Oregon.

Olsen: What rank did you attain in the Marine Corps?

STURGIS: I came out a Corporal. When I got out of the Marine Corps I went to Norfolk, Virginia. And I got on the police department. I was a plain clothes police officer. At the same time I joined the U.S. Navy Reserve, the PPB Squadron. And then after that I joined the U.S. Army. I went to Europe in the early 1950's. I was with the Army Security Agency in Heidelberg, Germany, which was EUCOM Headquarters. I was stationed at one time with General Clay's forces in Berlin during the Russian blockade. While I was there I met a young lady with the Israeli Intelligence that I found out later on was a Hungarian actress. And I left the Army, came back home, this was in the 1950's, I think 1952, 1953.

Olsen: You left the Army during the Korean War or after?

STURGIS: I am not sure sir, I am really not sure. As a matter of fact, I was going to Officer's Candidate School, and I declined on that.

Olsen: Now this brings us to the early 1950's when you served your second stint in the military services?

STURGIS: I have three discharges now, one for the U.S. Marine Corps, one for the U.S. Naval Reserve, and one from the U.S. Army.

Olsen: The third one from the U.S. Army was 1952 or 1953?

STURGIS: It was in the 1950's.

Olsen: What did you do after you got out of the Army?

STURGIS: I believe I went back to Virginia. I had made -- I went back to Virginia. I had made several trips to Miami. I was in touch --

Olsen: Just a second. What did you make the trips to Miami for?

STURGIS: I had family on my mother's side living in Miami. One of my uncles lived there who married a Cuban woman. My uncle's name was Angelo Vona. And this is how I got involved in the Cuban situation. She lived here in exile during the time of Batista. She was one of President Carlos Prio's people...

Olsen: And Angelo married a Cuban woman and they had been living in Cuba, had they?

STURGIS: No sir. In Miami. And that is why I came down here, because my grandparents on my mother's side were living here.

Olsen: But who as the exile from Cuba?

STURGIS: My Cuban aunt was living in exile.

Olsen: Had she been married to Angelo Vona in Cuba, or had she come to the U.S. as an exile?

STURGIS: While she was in exile, yes.

Olsen: How then, after returning to the U.S., after completing your tour of duty with the Army, you returned to this country, and then you went down to Miami several times on some visits to your family members?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: And at that time you became connected with Cuban people in the Miami area?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: And how long did you continue to live in the U.S., and where did you live?

STURGIS: I lived in Miami, in the northeast section, I believe off 26th Street. And Miami Avenue, the exact address I don't remember. But when I came out of the Army, even though I visited my family here, I did go back and live in Norfolk, Virginia, where I was in business.

Olsen: What business were you in?

STURGIS: I was in the bar business, and also the night club business. The bar I owned with a partner by the name of Arthur Bass, we were partners in the bar, which was on East Main Street.

Olsen: What was the name of the bar?

STURGIS: Would you believe it, I can't think of it.

Olsen: If you think of it, tell us. How long did you continue with Arthur Bass to be the owner of that business?

STURGIS: I was his partner for several years in the bar business that he owned, plus managing other bars for other owners, one namely called the Virginia Tavern, which was the biggest bar in the State of Florida.

Olsen: In the State of Florida?

STURGIS: I mean in the State of Virginia. I went to work with Arthur Bass, he gave me a partnership which was the bar that we bought on East Main Street. And then, at a later date, we went into the nightclub business, me as the working partner again. And the nightclub was called the Top Hat Club, which was located at Virginia Beach, Virginia.

Olsen: And how long did you continue in this general line of business of bar and night club?

STURGIS: Several years.

Olsen: Until about when?

STURGIS: Up until I decided to go to Cuba. I believe I went to Cuba in either -- I think it was either 1956 or 1957 that I went to Cuba.

Olsen: Why did you decided to give up the night club and bar business?

STURGIS: Well, I was under tremendous pressure. The night club business I had done very well with, but I just didn't like the atmosphere of being in a night club. And I wanted a change. And at the same time, coming back and forth from Virginia to Miami, getting involved with the Cuban situation, -- as a matter of fact, it was either 1955 or 1956 that Fidel Castro did come from Mexico into the Miami area. He made a speech at the Flagler.

Olsen: Were you there?

STURGIS: Yes sir, I was there. I met him and spoke with him -- because of the family connections, and so forth. And I decided to try to help the revolution, not particularly Fidel Castro in general, but the revolution, that he could be an instrument to me for my involvement, because I was in touch with the ex-President of Cuba, Carlos Prio.

Olsen: Was it because of your contact with the ex-President of Cuba and the fact that he had become a personal acquaintance of yours that you became interested in overthrowing the Batista Government?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: This was not, then, something that had anything to do with your being recruited by the American Government or any part of the American Government?

STURGIS: At that time, no, that year, no.

Olsen: Now was it also this personal motivation --

STURGIS: And the family ties.

Olsen: -- and the family ties -- that led you to go to Cuba in 1956 and 1957?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: Again, this had nothing to do with any inspiration or recruitment by any part of the American Government?

STURGIS: Right, sir.

Olsen: When you went to Cuba what did you do?

STURGIS: Well naturally I had contacts here, which was President Prio. I did go to Havana. From Havana I went to Santiago, through the church system. And with the church I put a disguise on and I went to the mountains as a priest to seek the rebel forces. Double click HERE to see a photo of STURGIS in Cuba circa 1958, 1959.

Olsen: And you were disguised as a Catholic priest?

STURGIS: Yes.

Olsen: You are of course a Catholic by upbringing, are you not?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: And did you speak Spanish at the time?

STURGIS: Well, my Italian was sufficient in order to understand, because I know Italian is similar to Spanish.

Olsen: So you did speak Spanish at home?

STURGIS: No sir, I spoke with my family Italian.

Olsen: Pardon me. You spoke Italian at home?

STURGIS: Yes.

Olsen: Was this the daily language that was used in the Fiorini family?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: Did you speak mostly English?

STURGIS: Mostly English, yes sir.

Olsen: But did you learn to speak Italian as a child?

STURGIS: Yes sir. You understand I was raised by my grandparents and my mother. My mother and father divorced at an early age, I believe I was six when my mother divorced my father. She took me to Philadelphia, where we lived with her family, the Vona family.

Olsen: And did the Vonas speak Italian at home?

STURGIS: Yes. Naturally my grandmother did not speak or understand English. And so we had to converse back and forth in Italian.

Olsen: So when you went to Cuba in 1956 or 1957, did you masquerade as an Italian priest, or as an American?

STURGIS: When I was going to the mountains I naturally had to disguise as a priest, I masqueraded as an American priest sympathetic to the cause. I tried to avoid the Army patrols, but I felt that if I was going to be captured by the Army, that I would have an excuse that I was visiting the different villages in the mountains through the church.

Olsen: Were you provided with identification of any kind?

STURGIS: No sir, I used my own identification at that time, which was FIORINI.

Olsen: I believe you told me at an earlier time when we talked by telephone that sometime in the 1950's your name was formally changed.

STURGIS: Yes, to FRANK ANTHONY STURGIS, through the courts in Norfolk, Virginia. And I do have a copy of it at home, the court order.

Olsen: You didn't bring that with you?

STURGIS: I am not sure. When I look through the papers I will see.

Olsen: Do you remember what year it was, now, FRANK, that your name was changed to STURGIS?

STURGIS: I believe it was in the early 1950's.

Olsen: Shortly after you got back from the Army?

STURGIS: I believe so. Either before I went in the Army or when I came back.

Olsen: Do you know whether you used the name STURGIS at any time while you were in the Army in the early 1950's?

STURGIS: Well, my Marine Corps discharge is FIORINI, and I believe the Navy discharge is FIORINI. I am not sure of the Army discharge.

Olsen: Did you bring your Army discharge with you?

STURGIS: No, I didn't have time to look for it. I just grabbed everything and threw it in. I can get it for you when I go home, I will look it up and send you photostatic copies of all three.

Olsen: And I understand that your mother remarried a man by the name of STURGIS?

STURGIS: Sturgis, Ralph.

Olsen: And do you remember when she remarried?

STURGIS: I imagine in the very early 1950's, 1949, before my name was changed.

Olsen: Did you change your name shortly after your mother remarried?

STURGIS: I am not sure.

Olsen: By this time you were already an adult?

STURGIS: Yes.

Olsen: Was there any particular reason why you wanted to change your name when you were already and adult, grown up?

STURGIS: Yes.

Olsen: What was that?

STURGIS: Well, the reason for that was that I felt there were too many Fiorinis, Frank Fiorini especially. I don't know. My mother wanted me to change the name, really, she influenced me to change the name from FIORINI to STURGIS, because she had a bad situation with my father and hated the Fiorini family. So naturally she convinced me, I want you to change your name to STURGIS from FIORINI.

Olsen: I take it from what you say on that score, then, FRANK, that you were not then aware at the time your name was changed legally in Norfolk, Virginia, of the fact that E. HOWARD HUNT had written a novel in the late 1940's in which a character appeared by the name of HANK STURGIS? Is that true?

STURGIS: Would you believe that the Special Committee, they got me on that. And it is a coincidence, because I got that book at home. And my wife read that book, and I read the book. And it is just like it would be my type of character.

Olsen: When did you read the book?

STURGIS: When I was arrested in Watergate two of the officers who arrested me mentioned the book called Bimini Run and they asked me if it was me. And I said, well, I have never read it, I don't know. And I was surprised. And then went out to find the book, and buy the book, and read it.

Olsen: So you hadn't read it until 1972?

STURGIS: Right.

Olsen: Let's get back to your career now. You went to Cuba in 1956 or 1957?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: And you went to the mountains with the cooperation of the church?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: Under the guise of a priest?

STURGIS: Right.

Olsen: Now what did you do in the mountains? Did you make contact with Fidel Castro and his people?

STURGIS: I ran across a rather weak one of the patrols, at the same time avoiding the Batista Army patrols. And with the patrol, I told them who I was, and that I wanted to see Fidel, and that I knew and had met Fidel in Miami, Florida. So they took me along. And I believe that a week later I was taken to a small village, I believe it was called Santo Domingo. And I waited for Fidel to come there, which he did, it took about a week, and Fidel finally got there. And I participated in going in and out of the mountains for Fidel as a courier for messages, for money, and so forth. And at one time when I started to get a little disenchanted with him, not knowing who these people were, I went into the cities, coming back to the mountains on a patrol. And there were two Latins waiting at a small village in the house, sleeping in the house owned by a man called Cresentio Perez. He was one of the main factors in the supply of guns and equipment and contact between the rebel forces in the mountains and the underground inside of the cities inside of Cuba, outside of the Sierra Maestre mountains.

Olsen: He was a primary contact between those two elements?

STURGIS: One of the main.

Olsen: How long did you continue to perform this function of being a courier between Fidel Castro and the cities and towns?

STURGIS: Well, let's see. I believe it went on for a good year, or a year and a half. At the same time, at one time in Santiago, Cuba, where I believe it was Mr. Park F. Wollan who made contact with me at the Casa Grande Hotel. And in meeting me Wollan was led to understand that I was in touch with the rebel forces, that I was a rebel officer, I was a captain in the rebel army and that as an American that he felt that he would like to have information, intelligence information, pertaining to the rebel movements. The names of officers, strength, weapons, and so forth. And he worked on my patriotism as an American, and so forth, and offered me money, offered to put me on salary, and so forth. But I told him, no, that I would gladly help him, being American, even though I sympathized with the Cubans in their fight against dictatorship of Batista at that time. This is what I told him. And he said, well, if at any time you need any money in any form whatever, whether it is personal expenses, come to me and I have got it. I told him thank you very much. If that happens I will ask you. But I do have money at my disposal.

Olsen: What was the source of the money you had at your disposal at that time?

STURGIS: It was coming from Celia Sanchez who was Fidel Castro's private secretary.

Olsen: Was she up in the mountains with Castro?

STURGIS: Yes sir. She was up there plus the whole entourage of rebel officers -- Volma Espin, who was not married to Raoul Castro at that time.

Olsen: Do you remember about when it was that you were contacted by Clark Wollan?

STURGIS: No, and then again, like I say, it might have been in the early part of 1959, or the latter part of 1958.

Olsen: And is that spelling Wollan?

STURGIS: Yes.

Olsen: And was it your understanding that he was a Consul at the U.S. Embassy in Santiago, Chile?

STURGIS: No sir, he was the American Consul of the U.S. Consulate in Santiago de Cuba.

Olsen: Because the Embassy was in Havana?

STURGIS: Yes.

Olsen: Now, when did you next see Clark Wollan, or how frequently thereafter did you see Mr. Wollan?

STURGIS: Yes --- you must understand that the situation there, with the rebels being in the mountains, and me having assignments, that I had very little time to spend with Mr. Wollan, but I had enough time to give him what information he was looking for, which was the movement of troops, the strength of the troops, the commanders of the different units, the weapons, and so forth.

Olsen: Did you give him a kind of an orientation about what you knew on the occasions when you first met him, then?

STURGIS: Yes. And the fact that I had access in and out of the mountains, and that I was in touch with the rebel forces, and also the underground forces.

Olsen: And did you see Mr. Wollan again there after that first time?

STURGIS: I saw him several times, sir. And I believe it might have been one time at the Casa Grande Hotel, either one or more times at the country club.

Olsen: Also in Santiago, Cuba?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: Is there more than one country club there?

STURGIS: I would think so, yes sir.

Olsen: Which country club was it that you saw him at?

STURGIS: There is one called The Country Club, and I am not sure of the others, because like I said, I didn't stick really too much in Santiago, because everyone who knew me at the Casa Grande Hotel thought I was a tourist.

Olsen: Let me ask you this, FRANK. From the time you first met Clark Wollan and until the overthrow of the Batista Government, which occurred, I believe, in 1959, --

STURGIS: January 1959.

Olsen: How many times during that period, up until the overthrow of the Batista Government, did you meet Wollan?

STURGIS: I don't know, but it wasn't too many times sir.

Olsen: Would you say less than half a dozen?

STURGIS: I would say either half a dozen or less times.

Olsen: Did you also see him at Santiago de Cuba?

STURGIS: In the city, yes sir.

Olsen: And it might have been at the country club --

STURGIS: Or at the Casa Grande Hotel, yes.

Olsen: Did you see him any place else?

STURGIS: I am not sure, sir. Because my activity I was doing so much.

Olsen: I am just trying to confine myself to this. I don't want you to feel as if you have to explain and justify it.

STURGIS: I want to explain.

Olsen: But let me cover the things as well as I can before we get to the nitty gritty here. Was there anybody else present at those meetings other than Mr. Wollan?

STURGIS: No sir, just myself.

Olsen: And on each occasion when you met him, up until the time of the revolution's success, and the overthrow of the Batista government, did you give him what information you then had with respect to the revolutionary forces?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: Their strength, their number, the weapons?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: Their movements, their leaders.

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: How long would these meetings of yours last with Mr. Wollan?

STURGIS: Not too long, probably -- actually, I would get in there and get out.

Olsen: Would you say a half hour?

STURGIS: A half hour, maybe a little longer, something like that.

Olsen: Did you ever give him anything in writing?

STURGIS: No, all verbal.

Olsen: Were you also in the garb of a priest?

STURGIS: No, I was in civilian clothes, only when I was up in the mountains, because of the Army patrol. When I was in the city of Santiago it was strictly civilian clothes, like an American tourist.

Olsen: During this period of time again, I am trying to focus on that time between the time you first contacted Wollan and the time the Batista Government was overthrown, did you ever receive money from Mr. Wollan?

STURGIS: No sir.

Olsen: Did you ever receive anything in the way of a present or gratuity of any kind from him?

STURGIS: No sir.

Olsen: And you have never had any kind of a written agreement with him?

STURGIS: No sir.

Olsen: In other words, he had --

STURGIS: Just verbal.

Olsen: He had just solicited your cooperation in terms of providing information relating to the revolution?

STURGIS: Yes sir, and he was willing to pay me.

Olsen: Did you feel that in providing that information to Mr. Wollan that you were being disloyal to the Castro movement?

STURGIS: No. I will tell you why. These two Latin men that I told you had -- I have pictures of them -- when I went to Cresentio Perez' ranch or home in the mountains, these two gentlemen were present. And I found out at a later date, once the patrol came to pick up these two men and myself to go back in the mountains, I found out that these were two Venezuelan Communists that came to see Fidel. I have pictures of that, where they gave him these documents, which I was led to believe from the information that I got were from the Communist Party in Venezuela who were going to support him if he wanted that support.

Olsen: Do you remember who these two people were again?

STURGIS: No sir. I had the names at one time, and like I say, I lost all my notes. But I do have pictures of these two men, with Fidel greeting them, with me in the pictures.

Olsen: And when did you understand for the first time that these were representatives of Venezuelan Communists?

STURGIS: Well, the two men and myself did go to see Fidel, I was close enough where I could hear the discussion, I did not stand there all the time, but friends of mine were there with Fidel. Naturally I questioned them and so forth. And in the questioning of my friend, this is how I knew that they were Venezuelan Communists.

Olsen: And did you feel that Fidel Castro had responded affirmatively to them?

STURGIS: No sir. I honestly don't know because I did not hear all the conversation, and I did not want to ask too many questions about that. What I was trying to do was show my loyalty to him, to the revolution. And so I just kept a pretty closed mouth, just asking only limited questions.

Olsen: Were you still closely associated with the Castro movement at the time of the January 1959 revolution?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: Had you contact with any other representatives, directly or indirectly, of the U.S. before the January revolution?

STURGIS: Yes sir. I would like to go back to the first week in January when the revolution ended. The revolution did end on January 1, 1959. When I came out of the mountains I was at a campsite that I had, that I was in command of, called Camp Tiro. That is Camp Bullet in English. It was on top of a hill. And I had approximately, under my command, a thousand vagios, or peasants that I was trying to organize for Fidel on his triumphant tour to Havana. At the same time, below this small mountain site, is where Raoul Castro had his execution squads executing the Batista followers. At one time I was at the Casa Grande Hotel I met a photographer there by the name of Andrew St. George. He was a free lance writer and photographer. The first week of January 1959...Andrew St. George, who was a reporter-photographer -- I don't know at the time who he worked for -- but I had a training camp right outside of Santiago and when he asked me if there was the possibility -- because his information was that Raul Castro was executing some prisoners -- and he asked me whether or not I could get permission for him to witness and photograph the execution. I said, "Well, I don't know; but I'll go ahead and try and see if I can get you that permission." So, what happened is that, I don't remember which commander friend of mine I went to see, but he says, "Yes, certainly. Go up and see. There's no more executions, they're all finished; but I'll send an officer with you and I'll show you where the executions were at." So I took St. George with this officer and myself to the site where the executions, you know, were, or did happen, and Andrew says, "Look, you're an American, I like you to go ahead and take some pictures of you." So I says, fine, I see no problem there. And this is how Andrew St. George took me, took a picture of me standing over the graves of these X amount of people who were executed.

Olsen: Is Wollan's name Clark or Park?

STURGIS: Park F. Wollan.

Olsen: Now, in this first week of January 1959 you met the second American. Wollan and you met much earlier, and you had had a number of contacts with him. And now for the first time you met Andrew St. George?

STURGIS: Yes.

Olsen: Where did you meet him?

STURGIS: At the Casa Grande Hotel.

Olsen: And was he a newspaper reporter at that time?

STURGIS: He told me he was a free lance reporter and photographer. Who he was working for I don't know. But he was there on a Saturday.

Olsen: And what took place at that meeting?

STURGIS: Well, he made contact with me because I was there with my officers, and he came over to me and he said, I understand that you are with the rebel forces, and you are an American. My name is Andrew St. George. And he struck up a nice conversation with me. He said he would have to have some photographs taken of rebel soldiers, and so forth. And he said, I understand there are a series of executions that have been going on. Could you arrange -- this is after he got friendly with me --- could you arrange with the commander who is in charge of the executions if I could witness and photograph the executions. I told him I did not know, but I would try to make arrangements. At that time I did not know who was in charge, what commander was in charge. But I did find out that whoever it was told me no, that the executions were finished. Then when I saw Andrew the following day I came into town, I told Andrew -- I came into town to buy supplies and food for my people, and I saw Andrew and told him what the commander said, all the executions were finished. And he says, well, I can come up and see your camp. Could you show me the site of where the executions were. And I said, well, I will have to find out, because I don't know where they were. But I could hear them, because from my hilltop camp I could hear the shooting during the day. I did take him to my camp and he photographed the camp -- and I have photographs that you can take a look at -- and I showed him where the executions did happen. And he asked if I would pose on the graves of the people, he would like to take a picture. And I said fine, and I did. And then shortly after I saw a picture that was in the paper, in the paper it said, with me on the graves, Captain FRANK FIORINI, and so forth, whatever, standing over the grave site of 79 Batista people who were executed by the Rebel Forces. I was asked by the Senate Watergate Committee if I had participated in these executions. And I told them no, I did not participate in the executions. As a matter of fact, I did not like the executions. I was against the executions. And I was, at that particular time, against the rebel forces.

Olsen: Because you felt they had gone to great excess?

STURGIS: Because I felt that they had had contact with the Communist Party, plus I felt the revolution was over with, and naturally why do all the executions?

Olsen: When was it that you made up your mind that you were against what was happening?

STURGIS: Well, I was not totally against the revolution, but I got a bitter taste in my mind about the revolution at that time.

Olsen: You started to have some serious second thoughts?

STURGIS: Yes I did.

Olsen: Is it true that you used the name FIORINI all through your Cuban experience?

STURGIS: Yes, and for many years until Watergate pertaining to my Cuban activities. And the Cubans knew me as FRANK FIORINI not as STURGIS. I only used STURGIS because of my marriage and my legal papers and so on. People did not know what it was. I was receiving publications from the revolution. There was a cover thing that I had, a Soldier-of-Fortune, and so forth, FIORINI. So if a person knew me where I lived, they would not think of me as FRANK FIORINI, or FRANK TERILLO or some 30 names that I have used as code names in the past.

Olsen: You have used a great many aliases?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: Let's go back to the time of the revolution. What position or positions did you occupy in the Castro Government after the revolution took place?

STURGIS: Well, when I was on my way the first ten days after the revolution was over with I told (Deleted) that I was on my way to Havana. And he suggested that I contact Colonel Nichols. I will give the full name, Colonel Nichols, and Major Van Horne.

Olsen: And both of these were at the American Embassy?

STURGIS: Yes sir. And I believe (Deleted) was at the (Deleted) at that time in 1959. And he was a CIA agent. (Deleted) was also there, the CIA. And I believe that he was Station Chief at the Agency.

Roethe: How did you learn these two gentlemen were CIA?

STURGIS: Contacting Colonel Nichols I was asked to recruit military people, and so forth. And through the recruiting of agents for the Embassy, many of them, naturally, recruited by me, had contact with me, and they said well I am in touch with (Deleted) or I am in touch with (Deleted) and so forth. In the close circle you know who is who, like I was trying to explain to the gentlemen here. An agent doesn't come out and say, hey, I am a CIA agent. You don't do those things.

Olsen: Did you then, at the request of Colonel Nichols and Major Van Horne -- by the way did you meet both of these gentlemen?

STURGIS: I met Colonel Nichols.

Olsen: Did you meet Major Van Horne?

STURGIS: I am not sure sir whether I met Major Van Horne, and I am not sure that I met (Deleted) and I am not sure I met (Deleted). There is a great possibility that I did. But I am trying to use my senses, it has been so many years. But the main man that I had close contact with was Colonel Nichols. So it isn't like you have one and then you have to have contact with the whole works.

Olsen: So you think you may have met Major Van Horne, (Deleted) and (Deleted) but you are not certain?

STURGIS: Right.

Olsen: These names, then, particularly came to your attention, in that you had reports from the people whose names you had given to Colonel Nichols that they in turn had been contacted by these other people, is that the way you became familiar with who these other people were and so forth.

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: When did you leave Cuba?

STURGIS: On June 30, 1959.

Olsen: So that you were there for almost exactly six months after the revolution took place?

STURGIS: Yes.

Olsen: During those six months did you have more than one contact with Colonel Nichols?

STURGIS: Oh, yes sir.

Olsen: How frequently did you meet with him?

STURGIS: Well, I met Colonel Nichols in various places. When I first made contact with Colonel Nichols I told him about Clark F. Wollan, and he wanted to assist me from the American Government, and so forth, and again he offered me money and I said no. And I told him that I would assist him as much as possible, that I felt the Communists were trying to make contact with Fidel Castro. And I told him I had photographs that I had taken in the mountains of these people, and I gave him copies.

Olsen: How many times approximately did you meet with Colonel Nichols during that six months?

STURGIS: Quite a number of times.

Olsen: Where did you meet him?

STURGIS: At the Embassy, at the Air Force Base.

Olsen: Which Air Force Base was that?

STURGIS: The Cuban Air Force Base.

Olsen: Was this near Havana?

STURGIS: Yes, right next to Camp Colombia, which is Army headquarters. During this period of time I had this changeover when I left Santiago De Cuba to go to Havana.

Olsen: When was it that you arrived in Havana?

STURGIS: I believe it was about ten days later, after the revolution was over with. I was asked by Fidel if I could go into the Air Force and help the Commander and Chief, Pedro Diaz Lanz, in the reorganization of the Air Force. Now, I had a discussion with Colonel Nichols to the effect that I was suggested to get myself in a good position in the Air Force, and Pedro Diaz Lanz, a good friend of mine, got him to appoint me as Chief of Security and Intelligence for the Cuban Air Force.

Olsen: When did you receive such an appointment as Chief of Security and Intelligence?

STURGIS: I would believe within that second week that the revolution was over with.

Olsen: And how long did that appointment last?

STURGIS: Until the day I left Cuba, June 30, 1959.

Olsen: Was this the primary activity that you had then for the next six months?

STURGIS: No.

Olsen: What was your primary activity during that period of time?

STURGIS: I had several activities that I fell into accidentally. Having contact with Colonel Nichols, we had a very difficult situation there with the new Cuban Government being very much disorganized. The regular army was being disbanded, the weapons being taken away from them. And Fidel needed time in order to get this raggedy muffin rebel force that he had, with no shoes, and so forth, into a well-organized force of training an so forth. So I had another position, which was the training -- I was in charge of the Military Police for the Air Force, and I was the overseer of the training of the Military Police. At the same time there were discussions between Colonel Nichols and myself about meetings that I have had with various top military commanders, for instance, Commander Richardo Lorie, who worked for the CIA ---

Olsen: What was his position?

STURGIS: --- at a later date.

Olsen: What was his position with the Cuban military forces?

STURGIS: Well, I remember now, at the very beginning when Fidel came into power of this organization, I forget what his position in the government was.

Olsen: And that was who?

STURGIS: Commander Richardo Lorie. I forget what it is, but it was a very high position. Ricardo Lorie does live and work in Miami, Florida.

Olsen: Let's stay in that period of time now, in that six months. Did you have occasion during that period of six months to meet Commander Lorie?

STURGIS: Yes, we were very close friends.

Olsen: What relationship did you have from the standpoint of your governmental responsibilities during that period?

STURGIS: In reporting to Colonel Nichols I told him of the meetings that I had had to participate between the military commanders, one meeting in particular with Commander Pedro Diaz Lanz, the Chief of the Air Force at that time. Present at that meeting were Commander Ricardo Lorie and Commander Marcos Diaz Lanz, at that time the Inspector General of the Cuban Air Force, myself and several other officers who I just can't remember at the present time. Anyway, Colonel Nichols was very much interested in this information about the Communists.

Olsen: I take it that this meeting of you and other military officers of the Castro Air Force primarily --

STURGIS: And the Army.

Olsen: Air Force and Army -- had been concerning itself with the extent of Communist penetration into the Cuban Government?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: What other duties did you have for the Castro Government during that six months period of time other than your being responsible for the training of military police for the Air Force, and your being in charge of security and intelligence for the Cuban Air Force, what other duties did you have?

STURGIS: At one time while I was at the Prime Minister's Office there was a meeting and discussion with one of the woman ministers who was up in the mountains with Fidel as a rebel soldier. Her name was Pastorita, Commander Pastorita Munas. She was a commander and a lesbian. And Fidel asked me, please help Pastorita, because she is so tied up in work that you have to help her. And I said okay. The job that I was supposed to do, I was supposed to take over or help her take over, the gambling casinos in Cuba.

Olsen: In all of Cuba or just a part?

STURGIS: All of Cuba.

Olsen: And what did you do in connection with helping Miss Munas?

STURGIS: Well, I made contact with all the different men in charge of the casinos. I put them on notice that Fidel and the government were going to have the laws changed. For instance, he wanted only a certain amount of equipment in operation, and that each piece of equipment had to have a tax stamp on it. And any other type of equipment that did not have that tax stamp could not be used. Naturally, everybody was made about that. Fidel at some of the meetings that he had -- or rather that I was present at -- mentioned that he was eventually going to close down the casinos. At one time, personally, he told me, FRANK, I am going to run all these American gangsters out of Cuba. I am going to close down all the gambling casinos. I don't want them here. They are going to get out. I did tell him, well, if you do that, you are going to put Cuban people out of work. Maybe there is another way you can do it, and that is by having strict control over these people. He said, no, I don't want no control. They are going to leave. I am going to put them all in jail if possible, I am going to run them out of Cuba.

Olsen: Let me ask you at this point, at the time that the revolution succeeded in January 1959, did you know any of the people who, at the time, were owning or operating gambling casinos in Cuba?

STURGIS: No sir.

Olsen: Did you subsequently become friendly with any of the people who owned or operated gambling casinos in Cuba?

STURGIS: Yes sir. I will tell you how this came about. Going back to the first week of the revolution in Santiago, I saved the life of a man by the name of Stretch Rubin. He was working for a man -- I believe he was working for a man called Norman Rothman in the slot machine business.

Olsen: Where was Mr. Rothman?

STURGIS: Well, I did not meet Mr. Rothman up until that time that I saved the man. I took Stretch Rubin away from some rebel soldiers who wanted to shoot him. He had a bag of money on him. What he was doing was going into the Casa Grande Hotel which had a gambling casino there and slot machines. His job was to -- he was like the collector for this outfit. And he would collect all the money. And he had a big bag full of money. And I came upon him as some rebel soldiers were dragging him away and he was screaming and hollering and so forth, and they were going to shoot him. And I took him away from the rebel soldiers. And he told me that the situation was really bad there, that he was going to go to Havana, and so forth. And he asked me if I was going to Havana. And he said, when you get up there, see me. I will be at whatever hotel -- he mentioned it, but I forgot. But later on I found out that he worked for Norman Rothman, who was the partner of General Clio Chivano. Chivano was the brother-in-law of General Batista. Now Norman Rothman and General Chivano were partners in the slot machine business. Later, when I was in charge of that, I did meet Stretch Rubin when I made an inspection of all the casinos, not knowing anyone, because I did not know any of the gamblers or owners of those gambling casinos. I met Stretch, who introduced me to a friend of his. His name was -- I can't think of it, the man he introduced me to -- I will remember his name because we got to be very good friends. He used to be the partner of Dutch Schulz, Mr. Fletchenheimer, of the old days in New York. And he was his partner in the slot machine business. In other words, this Jewish man, I forget the name right this minute, was the partner of Dutch Schultz in the slot machine business in upper New York State. Hymie Levin is the name. Now Stretch Rubin, I don't believe that is his real name, Stretch, I believe is -- you know how they call them muscles and egghead or whatever.

Olsen: Where was it, by the way, that you saved Rubin's life? Was it in Santiago?

STURGIS: In Santiago, yes.

Olsen: And Rubin worked for --

STURGIS: Norman Rothman.

Olsen: Who was a partner of ---

STURGIS: Of General Chivano. He was the military commander I believe, in Oriente Province, I understand through some source. My sources say he was a real degenerate.

Olsen: He as a military commander of Oriente Province under Batista?

STURGIS: Under General Batista. And he was the brother-in-law of General Batista.

Olsen: Now what is the relationship between Norman Rothman and Hymie Levin, any?

STURGIS: I believe from what Hymie told me, if I am not mistaken, that Hymie did work for Normie Rothman at one time. Normie Rothman did own and operate a gambling casino in Havana at one time. But in the year 1959 he was in the slot machine business, and did not own a gambling casino.

Olsen: Now, you said Hymie Levin was a partner of Dutch Schultz.

STURGIS: Hymie Levin, many, many years ago was a partner of Dutch Schultz in the slot machine business in upper New York State.

Olsen: That is many years earlier?

STURGIS: Yes. Naturally Dutch Schultz is dead today.

Olsen: When were they partners, do you know?

STURGIS: No, I don't know.

Olsen: Was Dutch Schultz -- the name seems to ring a bell -- was he an underworld figure?

STURGIS: One of the biggest in New York, one of the biggest in New York. As a matter of fact the Mafia killed him. I think the man who ordered his execution was Lucky Luciano.

Olsen: And he was dead, Dutch Schultz was already dead by this time in 1959?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: And where was Hymie Levin at the time?

STURGIS: Hymie Levin, when I met him, was in Havana. I met him through Stretch Rubin.

Olsen: And was he in the gambling business there than?

STURGIS: I don't know sir, because both of them were in Havana, and I imagine both of them were still working in the slot machine business.

Olsen: Did you become acquainted with any of the other gambling figures in Havana at that time or in Cuba?

STURGIS: Yes sir. Hymie Levin and Stretch, more Hymie Levin, asked if they could be of any assistance to me by introducing me to the casino operators, the managers and so forth, that I would naturally be in contact with for the government...Both of them offered to show me around, but Hymie Levine was the main person who stuck with me close...He introduced me to Jake Lansky at the Rivera Hotel. He, at that time, from what I understand, was managing the hotel for his brother, Meyer Lansky. He introduced me to Joe Rivers, which is not his real name but it is the name --

Olsen: Is that the name by which he is known in the gambling business?

STURGIS: Yes.

Olsen: And who is Joe Rivers?

STURGIS: To be very honest with you, I don't know his real name...I did know his real name but I forgot.

Olsen: What hotel or casino was that?

STURGIS: I am not sure whether he had an interest in the Capri Hotel or not. But I was also introduced at the Capri to Charley White. His real name was Charles "The Blade" Tourine. [I met] Norman Rothman, McLaney, I believe he was operating the National Hotel gambling casino.

Olsen: How about Norman Rothman?

STURGIS: He was in the slot machine business. Santo Trafficante Jr. I was introduced to the owners of the Tropicana Night Club and gambling casino.

Olsen: Why don't we just kind of abbreviate this at this point, FRANK. Were all of these people who were engaged in the ownership and management of the gambling casinos in Cuba generally underworld figures?

STURGIS: All of them? No sir. I met some other people. I don't recall their names at the present time.

Olsen: Were those people whose names you have given here, Rubin, Levin, Lansky, Rivers, White, McLaney, Rothman, were any of them underworld figures?

STURGIS: They were considered underworld figures.

Olsen: All of them?

STURGIS: Yes, from what I found out later, yes.

Olsen: And when you say they were considered, by whom were they considered?

STURGIS: Well Hymie was telling me, each one that he introduced to me -- and he introduced me to quite a number of people who were top of the world figures, who were Mafia, who were -- or considered Mafia, or considered Syndicate people -- and so forth.

Olsen: Did you have any dealings with these people other than being introduced to them and advising them what the new regulations were, so what their new regulations were going to be, and hearing Castro make statements to the effect that he was going to get rid of them all.

STURGIS: I didn't tell them that at the time, at the beginning, that Fidel was going to get rid of them. What I did was to make my inspection of all the casinos that came under my jurisdiction at that time, and advise them of new laws that were being put into law, advise them of the tax stamps that had to go on each piece of equipment, and that is just about it. And during this period of time there was one more person he introduced me to -- Hymie Levin introduced me to a number of movie actors and actresses. I did meet, at the Tropicana Night Club and gambling casino one night, sitting with Fidel's younger sister, Anna Castro, she called me over to the table, and she was sitting down with a movie actor. His name was Hugh O'Brien, and I did meet Hugh O'Brien, and I did meet Errol Flynn.

Olsen: Who is Errol Flynn?

STURGIS: Errol Flynn is one of my old swash-buckling, sword fighting heros in the movies. And he was there at the time making a picture about the rebels, Fidel Castro and the rebels, and so forth, in the mountains. And Lon Chaney, Junior. I believe was there with him. I met quite a number of them, not just the movie people who owned the casino, but important people in the movie and entertainment industry, wealthy people. As a matter of fact, I did take five businessmen from New York to see Fidel at the Prime Minister's Office who wanted to lend the Cuban Government $300 million. And through my doing of getting them to meet Fidel -- they were staying at the Rivera Hotel for two weeks, and a rebel captain who was supposed to be a friend of Fidel couldn't get them to see Fidel. And I was there having breakfast. And he came over to my table and introduced me to those five Americans -- I think there were three Americans, I'm sorry.

Olsen: Who were those Americans?

STURGIS: I forgot their names right now. But they were from New York.

Olsen: Were they legitimate businessmen, or were they Syndicate people?

STURGIS: From what I understand from this rebel captain they were legitimate businessmen, they were involved in some, I think it was insurance money. That I found out in discussion with them. And I made the arrangement that same day to see Fidel. I got a phone and called the Prime Minister's Office and I spoke to a friend of mine. His name was Juan Orta. He was the private secretary to the Prime Minister.

Olsen: Let me cut that off for the moment here, FRANK, because there are certain avenues that I want to go into, and I am afraid we may not get them all covered here if we follow other courses. Did you ever have any dealing with, any deals with any of those gambling figures?

STURGIS: No sir.

Olsen: Did you ever take money from them?

STURGIS: No sir.

Olsen: Did you ever intercede on their behalf with any official of the Castro Government?

STURGIS: No sir.

Olsen: Did you ever do them favors for which they promised to repay you at a later time?

STURGIS: No sir.

Olsen: Did you ever have, in short, any kind of business, either over the table or under the table, any business dealing with any of those gambling figures?

STURGIS: No sir.

Olsen: Did you ever make any promises to any of them that you would attempt to do something for them?

STURGIS: No sir.

Olsen: Did you ever make any steps, perform any favors for them?

STURGIS: No sir.

Olsen: You left Cuba on June 30, 1959. Why did you leave?

STURGIS: Well, during the period of six months, from January to June 30, Fidel's Government, Fidel's forces, was very much disorganized. At the same time, trying to organize all those things, Fidel needed the time. At the same time he had many people who were Communist, many officials who were Communists coming into the Army, and coming into the Air Force, to indoctrinate the officers and the men with Communist theories and ideas, which we very much did not like. Fidel used to come over to the Air Force Base with the top military commanders and a jeep convoy. And there was talk of assassinations.

Olsen: When you say there was talk of assassinations, who was talking about assassinating whom?

STURGIS: Well, the rebel officers who were anti-Communists and many of those -- or a number of those officers whom I recruited for the Embassy wanted to get rid of Fidel because of the Communist teachings that Fidel was forcing on the military. Many of the top military commanders, the anti-Communist commanders, did not trust the American Embassy at that time. They were a little wary about the American Embassy because of their pro-Batista feelings. And then it looked like you had in the Embassy a split, some of the Embassy officials and employees were pro-Batista, and the others were pro-Fidel. As those weeks drug on, only the top military people knew what was going on, which included myself. These reports were given to Colonel Nichols, were being given to (Deleted) and so forth, about what was going on.

Olsen: Can I stop you there? Can you name some of the other people in the military and civilian government of the Castro regime who you had recruited, and who were reporting to those American officials whom you previously named?

STURGIS: Let's see if I can remember all of them. Commander Pedro Diaz Lanz, Chief of the Cuban Air Force.

Olsen: You recruited them, and he was in contact with American officials?

STURGIS: I made contact for him with the American Embassy. I made contact for the Embassy with Commander Marcos Diaz Lanz, Inspector of the Cuban Air Force.

Olsen: And he was also reporting to American officials?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: Who else?

STURGIS: Commander Ricardo Lorie. Geraldine Shamma.

Olsen: And who was she?

STURGIS: She was an American woman who was married to Captain Shamma. Her marriage name was Suarez. So her name was Geraldine Suarez Shamma. They owned a tobacco business in Cuba, several businesses in Cuba, but the main business was tobacco, which amounted to about $20 million. I recruited her for the Embassy. And her contacts were several people there, or at least one major person, and that was Major Van Horne. Her job was to meet and make contact with top officials in the government, which she did. She had a fabulous home and gave parties. Many of the top military commanders went over to her home. She was the contact with the American Government with the underground organization -- he was the Chief of the underground against Castro, and his code name was Francisco.

Olsen: And she was in contact with him?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: Now FRANK, did you leave Cuba voluntarily or did you get forced out by the Castro Government?

STURGIS: I will have to go back again. Another person who was in touch with the Embassy was Sergio Sanjennes, who was the top high-ranking G-2 official under Fidel. When the time came for me to leave Cuba he actually saved my life, because he was in G-2, and told me that I had better leave because the G-2 was hot on my trail to capture me, and mostly likely, if I was caught, I would be executed.

Olsen: So you got out in a hurry?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: How did you leave Cuba?

STURGIS: Well, after meeting with Sergio, I left, I would say within a week. I stuck around a little bit. During this period of time I cam across and American who was with the rebel forces by the name of Captain Devereau. Captain Devereau was the grandson of Tom Mix. He was very close with Raoul Castro. And I was, at one time, going to kill him.

Olsen: Why, and at whose direction were you going to kill him?

STURGIS: Well, unfortunately it was not under no direction, because I was told to leave him alone. And I was going to do it myself.

Olsen: Why were you going to do it yourself?

STURGIS: Well, the situation was getting very hot there. And evidently he must have overheard some things being discussed by Raoul and Che Guevara about me, about my goings on between the military and the American Embassy. I had to request from the Chief of the Air Force a document naming me -- it was an official Air Force document naming me -- I may have that document -- as a go-between -- as a liaison officer between the Cuban Air Force and the American Embassy. This was a cover for me being in touch with American officials and the American Embassy.

Olsen: Let's go back to Deveraux. Why was it that you were about to kill Devereau?

STURGIS: Again, with all this deception that was going on between the anti-Communist group, and because of Fidel's odds as to allowing different instructors to come into the military to instruct about Communist doctrine, and so forth, there was quite a bit of deception about that. And so naturally sides were being drawn up. And because of the mistrust of the American Embassy that some of the military commanders had, I was asked if I would personally come to Washington, D.C. and notify the American Government of the Communist infiltration in to the government and into the military.

Olsen: Who asked you to do that?

STURGIS: The meeting was with several top military commanders, both of the Army and Air Force.

Olsen: And you were asked to do this by Cuban Government officials?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: Not by the American Embassy?

STURGIS: No.

Olsen: Let's come around to Devereau. Where does he fit into the picture?

STURGIS: Devereau was very closely associated with Raoul Castro. He came into the picture, he was an entertainer, his wife and himself, in different Cuban night clubs in the City of Camaguey. And I imagine, like many people in Cuba, they got on this kick about being against Batista and the revolution, and so forth. And Devereau eventually showed up in Havana, as a captain. He is still in Cuba.

Olsen: You mean a Captain in the Castro military.

STURGIS: Yes sir, in G-2, a captain in intelligence.

Olsen: And did you feel that he had been squealing on you?

STURGIS: No sir, I felt that he knew something and he mainly told me to be careful, and that I was getting out of line, that I was with the wrong people. And he mentioned Diaz Lanz's name, and he mentioned Captain Martinez' name, and Lorie's name and these people were my friends, and knowing them to be strong anti-Communists, and knowing that Captain Devereau was crazy, and closely associated with Raoul Castro and Che Guevara, known Communists, I had a confrontation with him and two of his bodyguards in a jeep one night when he stopped me and I told him mainly that he had better step lightly, that I would kill him right then and there. And I would have done it except for one thing only, that I spoke to Nichols about this -- and Nichols told me to leave him alone at the present time. Other things that I discussed with Colonel Nichols was the attempted assassination on two occasions of Fidel Castro and all the top military commanders that used to come for the Air Force Base. And remember that I had another job at the Air Force Base, training the military police. And I also was still Chief of Security.

Olsen: Let me ask you, are you telling us that you participated as a Cuban Air Force officer, and Chief of training military police and security and intelligence operations in the Cuban Air Force, that you participated in an attempt to assassinate Castro?

STURGIS: Yes, on two occasions, plus other military officials.

Olsen: When did those attempts take place, during the early part of 1959?

STURGIS: Yes sir. I would say the first attempt -- and I set it up as an exercise, that if I was to get the green light -- which I did not anticipate that I would, because there is such a thing as getting a green light -- and there is another thing about doing something without the green light, in other words they do it --but they don't get caught -- but I did set it up as an exercise, and I did have the men on several occasions, like I said, as a training exercise, stationed at the gate with me there, with men stationed on the rooftops of the homes -- my excuse was for the protection of the entourage, Fidel and the military commanders he had with him, he had a hometown bunch with him when they came to the Air Force, even with General Bayo. And I felt that if I would get the nod to assassinate them, I could do it within 30 seconds, high tail it and everything.

Olsen: Was there something that you had drawn up in the way of an exercise as the result of the discussion with the other Air Force officials?

STURGIS: The Air Force and Army officials. This information was given to the American Embassy. I again did these exercises to try to get a diversion that if I would get the nod to do the execution, that I would have some means of diversionary tactics to draw attention away from the people who did the execution, and I was there with my people to prevent it because of security.

Oslen: Did you discuss these plans in advance with Colonel Nichols?

STURGIS: No sir. At the very -- I would say about six weeks after the revolution was over with there was a great deal of discontent among many of the top ranking military officers. I knew these people personally, I was in with them at those meetings and various places, and that they discussed, we all discussed the assassination then. And some said, well, there are some officers that will be with the group, Fidel and Raoul and Che, that were not really with them. So they were split on the idea of assassinating him. So they asked my opinion. And I told them, well, in war innocent people do get killed. If you are going to assassinate the man, the best place to do it was at the front gate as he approaches, and to just, if there is even seven or eight jeeps, whether they are pro- or anti - if you are going to go ahead and kill him, people are going to get hurt.

Olsen: I didn't understand whether you answered my question as to whether or not you had discussed in advance with Colonel Nichols.

STURGIS: No sir, after the meeting with the different military commanders, I reported to Nichols the type of discussions that were made at those meetings.

Olsen: And what was Colonel Nichols response?

STURGIS: Can we go off the record?

Olsen: If you want.

STURGIS: Let's go off the record. He told me to stand by, don't do anything, stand by, stall.

Olsen: And did you then stand by and stall?

STURGIS: Yes, sir, I not only stood by, but then I proceeded to do these exercises without asking Colonel Nichols. I did those on my own, to prepare a special group of men to set this up.

Olsen: You prepared the exercise. Did you ever get the green light from people in Castro's Air Force and Army to go ahead with an attempt?

STURGIS: Oh, they wanted to do it, sir. The only thing that held them back was me, I am the only one that held them back, because they wanted to kill him in a minute.

Olsen: And so they were urging that this be done, but you were holding back on it?

STURGIS: Right.

Olsen: And were you holding back on it at least in part because of the request made by Colonel Nichols that you would hold up on it, and not do anything?

STURGIS: Right.

Olsen: Was any actual attempt made now to carry out an assassination on Premier Castro?

STURGIS: The only attempt is what I was doing in these exercises.

Olsen: So that there was some planning, but no attempt?

STURGIS: Well, let me say this. We are on a very thin piece of string there, because I was several times making those exercises, and I was really, because of my high position in the military, and because of the things that I knew -- and you must understand that I did break into the headquarters of the Cuban Army at Columbia Barracks and did steal documents out of there. And I also, at my own headquarters, in my files, I did photograph some things that were in my files from the past regime that was there, but also of other officers that were there that I could not trust, and wanted to see what kind of reports and things that were made. So I did photograph those. So I did make a break-in.

Olsen: What I am trying to do FRANK, is to draw a distinction, if I can, between some plans for, some setting up of exercises that would be preparatory to an attempt to assassinate Premier Castro, Che Guevara and Raoul Castro and others that might be with them. I am trying to distinguish that kind of planning and preparation from an actual attempt to carry it out.

Roethe: Were there any shots ever fired?

STURGIS: No sir. As a matter of fact, in order to avoid that, because my people wanted to do it so badly, I had to take the ammunition away from them, just to contain them.

Roethe: Was this an exercise that was going to be -- was this going to be a shooting?

STURGIS: Oh, yes.

Roethe: So it was not a bombing or anything of this sort, strictly a shooting?

STURGIS: A shooting.

Olsen: How soon before you left Cuba did this setting up of exercises take place?

STURGIS: It was within, I would say, four to six weeks.

Olsen: Before you left?

STURGIS: No, four to six weeks after we took over the country, January 1, four to six weeks was the first attempt. That was in the last of January or the first week in February 1959, four or five weeks.

Olsen: Did this fever about assassinating Castro, Raoul Castro and Guevara, subside after a little while?

STURGIS: Oh, no.

Olsen: Did it keep on going all the time while you were in Cuba?

STURGIS: Yes sir. I did arrange to train the same men for another attempt at assassination of him in the headquarters of the Air Force on the second floor.

Olsen: Before you go on to that, why did you never make an attempt the first time, why did you hold back?

STURGIS: I was waiting for a nod from Nichols.

Roethe: And you never received that nod?

STURGIS: I never received that.

Roethe: What got you started into a second attempt to try a different type of assassination?

STURGIS: Yes, it would be a different plan to assassinate him. This came, I would say, the last part of February, if I am not mistaken. Things came to a fever pitch. Even the American Government, through other agents inside of Cuba, in the military and so forth, were getting a lot of information about the Communis activity. And Fidel was coming on his own thing, you know, about talking against the Americans. And this was creating a lot of dissention with some of the top military brass. Of the Cuban military. And the same time I am trying to recruit Commander Camillo Cienfuegos. Olsen: You have attempted to recruit him?

STURGIS: I attempted to recruit Commander Camillo Cienfuegos, and also Commander Almejera. He was the National Chief of Police.

Olsen: And who was the first one, Cienfuegos?

STURGIS: Commander Camillo Cienfuegos was the Chief of the Army -- I think Raoul was the Chief of the Armed Forces.

Olsen: Did you succeed in recruiting them?

STURGIS: I met them at the Capri Hotel, where the show was at. And I got them stoned out of their minds. And we discussed money, how they would be willing to do, and so forth. I didn't want to get into it too much, because I had Camillo Cienfuegos lined up more, he was thinking more in line with what I was talking about. Commander Almejeira got stoned out of his mind. And he just put his head on the table and went to sleep. That was it. And so I had a hard time keeping Camillo Cienfuegos awake.

Roethe: At whose request were you trying to recruit these gentlemen?

STURGIS: Remember, Embassy told me, please try to recruit agents for them.

Olsen: You were attempting to recruit people who would provide information for the Embassy?

STURGIS: To provide agents for the American Embassy.

Roethe: You were not recruiting them especially for assassination attempts?

STURGIS: No. Now, Camillo gave me enough information that night where I broke into the Chief of the Army headquarters -- he was Chief of the Army. I broke into their file and I did photograph and steal documents.

Roethe: What did you do with those documents?

STURGIS: I turned them over to the others.

Olsen: To Colonel Nichols?

STURGIS: Yes.

Roethe: Were you operating here now for Colonel Nichols, or do you know if you were operating for CIA? Who was the creator of this policy, if you know, Colonel Nichols as a diplomat? Was he a diplomat at that time?

STURGIS: Colonel Nichols was the American Military Air Attache, which could be a cover for the CIA.

Olsen: You don't know if he was CIA or not?

STURGIS: No. Again I say, nobody shows if they are CIA, unless you are working yourself as an employee.

Olsen: Let me turn here, FRANK, to this area. Were you ever, by Colonel Nichols, requested to organize any activity other than recruiting people to act as agents for the American Embassy, were you ever asked to carry out any kind of activity in Cuba.

STURGIS: No sir.

Olsen: You were never asked to carry out any assassination?

STURGIS: No sir.

Olsen: Were you ever asked to carry out any attempt to overthrow the Castro Government?

STURGIS: Well, let's not say overthrow the Castro government. Colonel Nichols was very much, in his thinking, in the discussions with him, against the Castro Government. But then here you have a man that goes by the book.

Olsen: Let me ask you this. Were you ever asked to carry out any action in Cuba on behalf of the American Embassy?

STURGIS: No sir.

Olsen: Or Colonel Nichols?

STURGIS: No sir.

Roethe: So your breaking in and obtaining those documents was something that you did on your own for information gathered as a result of your conversations with the Commander of the Army?

STURGIS: Camillo Cienfuegos, yes.

Roethe: During this one evening when he got drunk?

STURGIS: Yes.

Roethe: You saw an opportunity and you took advantage of the opportunity yourself, without first consulting Colonel Nichols?

STURGIS: Well, you must understand this. When an opportunity comes around you do it, because you may not have a chance to make contact, and get permission. And not only that, suppose you don't get permission? There is a lot of things that have to be done. But nobody is going to give you permission.

Oh, I wish I had -- I understand there are certain things in the Chilean Embassy like -- I broke into the Chilean Embassy in Havana, they are accusing me of breaking into the Chilean Embassy here in Washington, D.C., which is a lie. But I broke into the Chilean Embassy in Havana. I was not ordered to do so. But I felt, with discussions that we had, I wish I could find out what was in those files in the Chilean Embassy.

Olsen: Did you break into the Chilean Embassy in Havana as Chief of Security for the Air Force?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: The Castro Government?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: Did you ever get any request from Colonel Nichols or anybody else at the American Embassy that you break into the Chilean Embassy?

STURGIS: No sir.

Olsen: Did you have any contacts there in Havana with anybody from the American Embassy other than Colonel Nichols?

STURGIS: I would say no.

Olsen: When you say I would say no, that is your best belief?

STURGIS: I believe not. Because if somebody comes up and says, yes, he was in touch with me, you know, it is too many years, and to the best of my recollection, I think that would cover it, I would say Colonel Nichols was the only one I was in constant touch with. There is a possibility that may (Deleted) and a possibility of (Deleted) but I am not -- my mind doesn't --

Olsen: You don't recall any specific instance in which you made contact with anybody else other than Colonel Nichols?

STURGIS: I am not sure. I don't know how to put the right words. Because I met several people, but I am not sure of who the people that I met were.

Olsen: After you came back from Cuba, at the end of June 1959, did you then settle in the Miami area?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: Did you take up employment in some normal job in Miami, or did you become involved right away?

STURGIS: I was not employed, sir.

Olsen: Did you engage in any business for yourself at that point?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: Before we get to that, when you left Cuba, did you manage to take with you any substantial amount of money or wealth?

STURGIS: No sir. I took some documents here that belonged to Commander Richardo Lorie in his preparation to leave Cuba and come to exile. I helped to arrange for the escape of the Chief of the Air Force and his wife. As a matter of fact, I made contact with the American Embassy to see if they would accept him in the Embassy. And I was told by the Embassy people, no. So I had to come here to make arrangements for his escape with his brother Sergio Diaz Bruil, who in fact himself personally went to a yacht basin, Bertrand's Basin and rented a boat, I believe it was a sailboat. With the plans that both he and myself made, I proceeded to Cuba to pick up his brother, the Chief of the Air Force.

Roethe: Before we get back here in the U.S., the second attempt that you were talking about you said was going to occur in an office building, is that right?

STURGIS: That is the headquarters of the Cuban Air Force on the second floor.

Roethe: And again I am correct that there was no actual attempt made, and that there were no shots fired?

STURGIS: Right.

Roethe: And this was also -- and this only got as far as the planning stage?

STURGIS: Right. Planning and the exercise.

Olsen: What did you do after you came back to this country in Mid-1959, other than to assist people in escaping from Cuba.

STURGIS: I got together with Commander Pedro Diaz Lanz. We went to Washington, D.C., for a Senate hearing. At this hearing they wanted to know about Communist infiltration into the Cuban Government. And I forget the name of the Senator at that time. I went back to Miami. I forget how BARKER came into the picture, but BARKER -- I made contact with BARKER, Diaz Lanz.

Olsen: What were you going to do to make a living during this period?

STURGIS: I had my own financing.

Olsen: What was your own financing?

STURGIS: Well, I had money, pay that I got from the Cuban Government.

Olsen: Where had this money been placed that you were able to draw it out?

STURGIS: Well, I had an import-export business in Havana which continued after the revolution was over with during Fidel's time. And I proceeded to open an office up on Ponce De Leon Boulevard, in Coral Gables -- when the revolution was over with, because I was commuting back and forth between Miami.

Olsen: You said you had an import-export business in Havana?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: And was that business continuing after you left there?

STURGIS: When I left that was the end of it.

Olsen: Had you accumulated some money in Cuba before you left there?

STURGIS: Yes, due to the business I did accumulate some money.

Olsen: Can you tell us approximately what your financial net worth was when you left Cuba? How much money had you accumulated?

STURGIS: Well, I had several thousand dollars, I would think I had $3 or $4,000 at that time.

Olsen: And you had been successful in transferring this money to the U.S.

STURGIS: It was all in cash.

Olsen: So you took it with you?

STURGIS: Yes, I took it with me, and two aircraft that I did have, one was a C-46, one was a C-46, of which I have the end numbers and documents, plus a B-25 bomber that I took over here.

Olsen: Did you fly out of Cuba?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: Did you fly those aircraft yourself?

STURGIS: Well, another pilot and myself flew -- I think it was - I am not sure whether it was the C-46 that I flew out with, or the B-25 with another pilot. I did fly both planes at different times. I had one of the Cuban Air Force pilots fly one of the aircraft out. But I am not sure which one of them I came out on.

Olsen: Are you a pilot yourself?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: Do you have a license?

STURGIS: I had a license. I flew over the city.

Olsen: You flew out of the country two airplanes that belonged to the Cuban Air Force?

STURGIS: No sir, they belonged to me, they were registered in my name.

Olsen: In Cuba?

STURGIS: No, registered in the U.S. in my name.

Olsen: Who had they belonged to in Cuba?

STURGIS: No one in Cuba, sir. They belonged to me, they were American end number aircraft that were bought by me here in the U.S.

Olsen: Had they been bought by you before you went to Cuba?

STURGIS: Yes sir, during the revolution.

Olsen: I see. You owned them before the revolution occurred?

STURGIS: Yes sir. I gave a $10,000 deposit on a B-25 bomber that was in Phoenix, Arizona. I gave a total of $112,000 for the C-46-D model. This money was revolutionary money that was given to me which I bought in my name.

Olsen: It was revolutionary money from whom?

STURGIS: It was from Fidel Castro -- while this was in 1958, while we were working against the Batista Government.

Olsen: I see. While you were up in the hills and acting as a courier, with revolutionary money you bought two planes in the U.S., and they were kept in the U.S. during the revolutionary period, but they were rendered in your name?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Roethe: And these were purchased by the government?

STURGIS: No sir, they were purchased in Phoenix, Arizona.

Roethe: From whom?

STURGIS: I may have the name of the people whom we bought them from. If you remember, in Phoenix, Arizona, you have an area there that has got planes for miles. They are in mothballs.

Olsen: What was this, a private enterprise?

STURGIS: Well I imagine this was -- you mean the people we bought it from?

Roethe: Yes.

STURGIS: Yes, it was.

Roethe: It had no connection with any Government agency that you are aware of?

STURGIS: I suspect that the man who sold me the aircraft did work for the CIA.

Olsen: Who was the man who sold you the aircraft?

STURGIS: I think his name was Thraikill.

Olsen: Did you make a trip back to the U.S. to make a purchase of those planes?

STURGIS: I came in and out of the U.S., in and out of the mountains, and in and out of the U.S.

Olsen: Frequently, as part of your revolutionary activities?

STURGIS: In order for me to get very close with Fidel personally, I went through a great risk in buying guns and equipment and smuggling guns and equipment to Cuba, both by air, by automobile, and in the Key West by ferry. And I had an elaborate system made up.

Olsen: Let's go into that just a little bit. We are going back into the revolutionary period, before the revolution succeeded, while you were working for Castro, while he was up in the hills. Who did you buy the guns from in the U.S.

STURGIS: I bought guns in Alexandria, Virginia.

Olsen: From whom?

STURGIS: I believe the name of the company was INTERARMCO. And the owner was an ex-CIA agent.

Olsen: Named what?

STURGIS: I forget. [Samuel Cummings]

Roethe: Was this ostensibly a private enterprise?

STURGIS: At least I thought it was a private enterprise.

Olsen: He asked, was it ostensibly a private enterprise. Was it actually a private enterprise?

STURGIS: Let me say this here, can I go back a little bit, Mr. Olsen?

Olsen: Yes.

STURGIS: Fidel told me in the mountains, here is what I have got - and I will show you the pictures -- I have got garbage, muerdo, which means shit, shotguns, rifles that are rusted, and that idiot who is in Miami, who is the head of the underground in Miami, doesn't know what he is doing, he is sending us all different types of foreign-made rifles -- for instance like the Italian carbine, you shoot that twice in rapid fire it would overheat and jam. And he says, "I need you to get me some equipment." I says, I will get you some equipment. "Beautiful. Here is the money. Go to Miami and get what you need. Get in touch with Bebe Hidalgo." He was the Chief of the underground. With him I made other contacts, or through him I made other contacts, with people like Yanuza, who got to be the Mayor of Havana under Fidel Castro.

Olsen: Come as quickly as you can to the matter of where you bought the weapons from whom, when, and how were they shipped to Cuba.

STURGIS: From Miami, getting money from these people, who range anywhere from $7 to $100,000, I went to Alexandria, Virginia, and did make contact with the owner.

Roethe: How did you get the name of the man in Alexandria?

STURGIS: I don't know how I got the name. But I understand years later that he did work for the Central Intelligence Agency.

Olsen: But the name of the company as best you can recall was INTERARMCO.

STURGIS: INTERARMCO.

Olsen: And what did you buy from INTERARMCO?

STURGIS: Well, at INTERARMCO I bought weapons that would fire the same bullets. For instance, I bought the M-1 Durand rifle, which I fired -- it was a 30.06 caliber weapon. I bought the M-1 -- I bought the Springfield rifle, U.S. Springfield rifle which fired the same bullet. And this type of a rifle I bought mainly for sniping, to be used as a sniper weapon in the mountains.

Olsen: The M-1 that you bought was the normal World War II semi-automatic Army weapon?

STURGIS: U.S. Army issue.

Olsen: Did you buy those in quantity?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: And did you buy ammunition for them as well?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: And did you buy any automatic weapons?

STURGIS: No sir, I did not buy automatic weapons. I did buy the 45 caliber U.S. Thompson, which had the -- they call it a DEWAT. They put lead between t he barrel -- they plugged it up where it could not fire, you could only use it as a display piece.

Olsen: In other words, they were demilitarized?

STURGIS: They were rendered inoperative by putting lead in the barrel.

Olsen: Why did you buy them?

STURGIS: Well, for one thing, a good one was selling for about $200 apiece. I bought those up there for $75 apiece. We sent them to Cuba by air. I also bought good barrels, and I left instructions when they got to Cuba to take the barrel off and just put a new barrel on, and you had a fully automatic weapon.

Olsen: Was this an Army weapon of World War II?

STURGIS: Yes, it was.

Olsen: Was this called a grease gun or something like that?

STURGIS: No sir. There is a difference between the grease gun and the Thompson machine gun.

Olsen: Did the Thompson have a circular cartridge?

STURGIS: Yes, the drum, the 50 round drum.

Olsen: And that was a fully automatic weapon, wasn't it?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: Did you buy any besides the Springfield, the M-1 Durand, and the Thompson 45 machine gun?

STURGIS: Yes sir, a bazooka. I bought the bazooka, not the shells, because it is legal to buy the bazooka. The shells were illegal naturally. So we had other sources of getting shells. I bought the anti-tank weapons, and I bought the Browning automatic rifle, the BAR, which was a semi-automatic and full automatic. But they did the same thing with the BAR, they put lead in the barrel. And in turn I had to take the barrel off and throw it away and put a new one on.

Olsen: And they didn't demilitarize the rest of the gun in any way?

STURGIS: No sir. I understand that somebody had some thoughts in their mind that they could sell the weapon like that. If they did what they were supposed to do, with a torch, put the lead between the barrel and where the bolt was, that would make that whole area bad, because when you --

Olsen: Because you could never get the round in the chamber, then?

STURGIS: Not that sir. What would happen would be the explosion of the shell would shatter the metal?

Olsen: Because that destroyed the temper?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: Let's move quickly. Did you buy weapons any place else other than at Alexandria, Virginia?

STURGIS: I think it was Illinois. I went to Illinois with a friend of mine.

Olsen: Do you know the name of the company from which you bought weapons there?

STURGIS: No sir. [Richard Lauchli] I may have something in there that can tell me the name of the people that I bought them from.

Olsen: Do you know the name of the company from which you bought it?

STURGIS: There was no company.

Olsen: Do you know the name of the city where you went to buy it?

STURGIS: I will have to check that.

Olsen: Any place else besides Illinois?

STURGIS: Yes sir. I am trying to --- in discussing this with you -- these people belong the Minutemen group.

Olsen: You mean the ones in Illinois?

STURGIS: Yes. And I forgot the name of the man who is head of the Minutemen.

Olsen: DuBois?

STURGIS: Robert DuBois, that is right.

Olsen: From Norborne, Missouri.

STURGIS: Norborne, Missouri, is the other place I went to.

Olsen: Did you also buy some weapons there?

STURGIS: Well, I went to him first, and he in turn sent me to one of his close partners or aides or what have you, that was in Illinois on a farm that had a shed full of guns and equipment, mortars, 60 millimeter mortars, 90 millimeter mortars, the whole works. I bought some equipment from him.

Olsen: Did you buy any equipment anyplace else?

STURGIS: I would think that was the only two people -- yes, I bought the equipment at National Gun Shop at Southwest 22nd Avenue and 4th Street. I believe it was. In Miami.

Olsen: Was all of the military equipment that you bought, FRANK, for the Castro regime essentially in the small arms category?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: And ammunition?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: And did you buy anything like tanks, armored cars, trucks, jeeps, anything of that character?

STURGIS: No sir, no heavy stuff.

Roethe: Except the two airplanes?

STURGIS: Just the two aircraft, yes.

Olsen: Did all of this small arms and ammunition that you bought get shipped over to Cuba, then?

STURGIS: Yes, I shipped it myself, personally, plus we have a network set up of various means of shipping the equipment to Cuba.

Olsen: Essentially involving revolutionaries in Florida?

STURGIS: Yes, sir.

Olsen: Let's go back to the period after you got back into this country. You participated for some time in assisting other Cubans to get out of the country, and particularly some of the high Air Force officials who you referred to?

STURGIS: Yes, sir.

Olsen: What else did you do after you got back into this country?

STURGIS: I maintained contact with the underground leaders.

Olsen: When you say the underground leaders now, are you speaking about underground leaders in Miami.

STURGIS: Miami and Cuba. And both worked together yet.

Olsen: When you talk about underground, you are talking about forces now that are interested in overturning Castro?

STURGIS: That is right.

Olsen: So that you had become pretty much a full-feldged anti-Castro operator even before you got back into the U.S.?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: What else did you do then after you got back? Did you make contact with any officials of the U.S. Government? Or put it another way, when were you first in contact, after getting back June 20, 1959, when did you first make contact with anybody who you understood to be an official of the U.S. Government?

STURGIS: Sam Jennis.

Olsen: Was Sam Jennis and underground leader in Miami?

STURGIS: Let me say the Sangenes, S-A-N-G-E-N-E-S?

Olsen: Is that all one word, S-A-N-G-E-N-E-S?

STURGIS: Yes sir, one word.

Olsen: It is not two separate words, is it?

STURGIS: No sir. That is the Saneges family, which were Louis Sangenes, and Sergio Saneges, who I have been working closely with in 1957 and 1958. And I made contact with Joaquim Sangenes, code Sam Jennis. I met BARKER, BERNARD L. BARKER, who at that time worked with the CIA, whose boss was EDUARDO. When EDUARDO was relieved of his duty after the Bay of Pigs failure, BARKER'S next Chief of Station was (Deleted).

Olsen: Let's take those one by one. You named several members of the Sangenes family.

STURGIS: Yes, sir.

Olsen: You have given us Louis.

STURGIS: Yes, sir.

Olsen: Sergio and Joaquin?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: Now, what were their positions?

STURGIS: CIA.

Olsen: All three of them?

STURGIS: Yes, the CIA, I was led to believe.

Olsen: And were all three of them in Miami?

STURGIS: Yes, sir.

Olsen: And what kind of contact did you have with them? Did they come a recruit you or talk to you?

STURGIS: No sir. You have got to remember that I was in touch with these people from 1957 to 1958.

Olsen: What kind of contact did you have with them in 1957 and 1958?

STURGIS: Working with them in the overthrow of the Batista government.

Olsen: What did you do to work with them in the overthrow of the Batista government?

STURGIS: Smuggled guns, equipment. I was up in the mountains with Fidel, fought in several battles with the rebel forces in the mountains. Again, we brought Clark Wollan into the picture. And so up the line to the embassy.

Olsen: What I am trying to get at here is, did these Sengenes family members have any role in this other than as CIA agents, or were they revolutionaries themselves intent upon overthrowing the Batista government?

STURGIS: Right, sir, yes, sir. Their position at a latter date got to be very important, the fact that they were recruited to be agents for Central Intelligence Agency.

Olsen: When were they recruited to be agents for the CIA?

STURGIS: I would believe the year 1959, if not already 1958, which I am not sure.

Roethe: And what was their position outwardly? They were not card carrying CIA people, I presume, they must have had some position in the Miami community.

STURGIS: Well, these people were top leaders in the revolution. And remember, they did have contact with the past government of Batista, in the government, the top people, and also with the new government to be, which was the 26th of July Fidel Castro outfit. They worked very well into that. You have got to understand their background a little bit. The Sangenes family years back were involved in the Abraham Lincoln Brigade in Spain. They were young people at that time. They thought the Communist ideology -- from what I understand from them, they thought that was the thing in those days. So naturally, they broke away from the Communists themselves. And they were very intelligent people. And these are the type of people, with the position that they were in, the intelligence that they have, that the American Government would like to have as agents.

Olsen: But your contact with them in 1957 and 1958 --

STURGIS: Was strictly revolutionary.

Olsen: Was strictly revolutionary?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: They were not, as far as you know, at that time, associated with the CIA?

STURGIS: As far as I know.

Olsen: As far as you know?

STURGIS: I did not know if they were or were not.

Olsen: You had no indication, then, that they were?

STURGIS: No indication.

Olsen: So it was not until after you came back from Cuba in 1959 and made contact with them again that you believed that they were agents of the CIA?

STURGIS: Right, yes, sir.

Olsen: What did they say or do at that time to lead you to believe that they were agents of the CIA?

STURGIS: Well, number one, the activity that was going on in the Miami area, not only my activity, (illegible) one in the same position that I had, the comings and goings of people in and out of Cuba. Mrs. Geraldine Shamma, whom I recruited as an agent for the Embassy, was traveling from Havana to Miami. And she had a home on Brickell Avenue, which was a safe house for the CIA. The Cubans who came from Havana would come to the safe house which she maintained herself with her own money, not CIA money, her own money. BERNARD BARKER would call her up, and she would tell him who was there, and he would come over to pick up these Cuban exiles to be sent over to be interrogated or debriefed. This is what BERNARD BARKER would do. And E. HOWARD HUNT, I believe, may have come over there. I don't think he did, but anyway, she met him traveling back and forth from Havana, where she met him, I don't know off hand. You would have to ask her.

Olsen: You mean you have subsequently heard or learned that she did possibly had some contact with HUNT?

STURGIS: Oh, I knew that for years, because, remember, I was in Brickell Avenue in Miami, too.

Olsen: What was the address now?

STURGIS: It is torn down now. I forget the address. They may be able to remember the address.

Olsen: How did you know that this was a CIA safe house?

STURGIS: Well, again, the top military commanders who were in Cuba were in exile, and had meetings (illegible) this was when the CIA started to get the Cubans together to form the nucleus of an invasion force that was to go to Latin America to train. So there was a lot of activity, a lot of activity.

Olsen: Didn't that begin in 1960?

STURGIS: I would say that we had the house there in 1960, yes. And we were in touch with various agents, BARKER, for one. I was in touch with Sam, and also the other Sangenes. Louis Sangenes had an office in downtown Miami that was part of a recruiting office that he had prior to the invasion.

Olsen: FRANK, I was asking you a little while ago what the members of the Sangenes family said or did to lead you to conclude that they were agents of the Central Intelligence Agency? You told me that one of the women you had recruited in Cuba on behalf of the American Embassy there lived in a CIA safe house in Miami. But I am not sure whether you answered the question that I put to you. How did you know that the Sangenes family members were agents of the CIA?

STURGIS: I am not sure whether Sam told me at that period that he was working with the company or not, I am not sure, because I can't pin down the date. But he told me he was working ---

Olsen: Which one of the Sangenes family members was it that was called Sam Jennis?

STURGIS: That is Joaquim Sangenes. My understanding through the years is that he got to hold a high position with the CIA.

Olsen: Was Sangenes on the same level or subordinate to BERNARD BARKER?

STURGIS: Well you must understand that EDUARDO at that time was a political officer.

Olsen: You are talking about beginning sometime in 1960?

STURGIS: Right. And BARKER'S position with EDUARDO was as his assistant. So that means BARKER at that time was involved with the political officers, working for a political officer, which was political.

Olsen: And when you say political, what was EDUARDO doing, what were EDUARDO and BARKER doing at that time as political officers?

STURGIS: I can tell you what EDUARDO was doing, even though I didn't meet him, because I knew BARKER'S activities. BARKER was -- if EDUARDO wanted to have a meeting with Tony Varona -- he was the President of the Revolutionary Council that was formed by CIA.

Olsen: What was that called, the Cuban Revolutionary Council?

STURGIS: No, sir, that was called the Cuban Revolutionary Council, but it had other names that are in Spanish, Miro Cardona, was part of that.

Olsen: I am going to ask you to give me some names of the leaders of the Cuban Revolutionary organizations--

STURGIS: Council.

Olsen: --in Miami in 1959, 1960 and 1961. Miro Cardona, right?

STURGIS: I believe Miro Cardona was the President of the Council. Tony Varona. He was the Secretary General of the Council. Well, Manuel Artime, was part of that. He was part of the council. There has been a lot of writing which (illegible) about his position. They call Artime the leader of the invasion brigade. That is not so. Manuel Artime's position was, he was the coordinator between the political group of the Revolutionary Council -- the Revolutionary Council was a political force with the brigade, which was the military force. And because of him being who he was and his contacts, they made him like, I would say, a liaison between both the Brigade and the Revolutionary Council. He was not the leader of the invasion.

Olsen: Who else was at the top of the Revolutionary Council?

STURGIS: San Roman.

Olsen: Is that his last name?

STURGIS: S-A-M R-O-M-A-N.

Olsen: And was he just one of the members of the Revolutionary Council or the leaders?

STURGIS: Yes sir, he was one of the leaders of the Revolutionary Council. And you must remember, the Revolutionary Council was going to be the governing body of a new government in Cuba.

Olsen: Yes, I understand. It is worth at this point naming a few of the other very prominent people who were members of the Revolutionary Council which was going to form the nucleus of the new government if Castro was overthrown?

STURGIS: Let me say this here. There was a lot of dissention that was going on in the Revolutionary Council. There was a power struggle within the Council. You had another member who was outside the Revolutionary Council that they had wanted in. And this is very important. President Kennedy -- I think it was Bobby Kennedy -- either President Kennedy or Bobby Kennedy insisted that this man had to go into this Revolutionary Council. That man did not have an organization in Cuba, this man supposedly had only a nucleus of a handful of revolutionaries -- which caused a big uproar, and changes a lot of things.

Olsen: Who was this that the Kennedys wanted in?

STURGIS: Dr. Manolo Ray, who was considered very much to the left. This created such a turmoil. He was leftist, and his thoughts and thinking were like Fidel Castro's.

Navarro: In Cuba he was a commander for the Castro Army. And he was one of the ministers for the Castro Government.

Olsen: Why did he go to Florida?

STURGIS: Again, Fidel had a power struggle in Cuba where you had the anti-Communists against Fidel himself, and the Fidel Castro government. At that time it was not said that it was a Communist government, but it was a pink type government. You had power struggles within the government. For instance, Commander Camelo Cienfuegos, I believe because of his contact with me, was executed by Fidel Castro. And people like Manolo Ray, who were on the left, were against the Communists.

Olsen: Anyway, you advise us that the insistence of one or both of the Kennedy's created a major uproar in the Revolutionary Council because --

STURGIS: And in the Brigade. Because you must remember, Mr. Olsen, that CIA had direct contact, the political sector of CIA, in which HOWARD HUNT as EDUARDO, was a high ranking political officer with the Revolutionary Council. Then, you had a separate group which was the Brigade. HOWARD HUNT had nothing to do with the Brigade. It was a separate section of the CIA. And then, you had a third separation which was Operation Forty, which was a Top Secret operation. And the head of Operation Forty was Sam Jennis. The second chief --

Olsen: Who headed the Brigade?

STURGIS: The head of the Brigade was Orncido Oliva. He is a colonel in the National Guard.

Olsen: And what was the nature of Operation Forty?

STURGIS: Operation Forty was a CIA Top Secret operation. They were to train, I believe, approximately 200 Cubans who were in the Army. They were officers --

Olsen: That is the American Army?

STURGIS: The American Army, who went and received training in the American Army as officers. Their main job was intelligence. These men were going to be used to infiltrate Cuba to make contact with the underground.

Olsen: Which one of the Sangenes family members headed Operation Forty?

STURGIS: Sam Jennis was the head of the Operation. The second chief of Operation Forty was Felipe Gutierrez.

Olsen: All three of these different operations were essentially being organized by the CIA, weren't they?

STURGIS: Yes sir. If you remember, every one including the President of the U.S. denied that the CIA was behind more funding or training of these people. But they were in fact being what they were supposed to be, U.S. Government operations.

Olsen: It is your testimony, FRANK, that the Revolutionary Council was being financially supported by and organized by the CIA with E. HOWARD HUNT, otherwise know at that time as being EDUARDO, being the chief CIA agent involved in setting up the Revolutionary Council?

STURGIS: Let me correct you a little bit there. He was one of the high political officers of the CIA that was involved in the organization of the Revolutionary Council.

Olsen: And who was it from the CIA who was heading up the training and the organizing and the funding, financing, and what not, of the Brigade?

STURGIS: Well, the funding naturally again was CIA, funding for Operation Forty was CIA. The training for Operation Forty was U.S. Army and CIA. Mr. Frank Bender, which is a code name for Mr. Drecher, is his real name, who was the top CIA official who was in charge of the CIA operation in South Florida for this mess.

Olsen: The whole thing?

STURGIS: Yes.

Olsen: Was Mr. Drecher's real first name FRANK also?

STURGIS: I don't know, sir. He is, I believe, of German extraction, if I am not mistaken. He was a naturalized citizen, he was not born in this country.

Olsen: Do you know whether he is still with the Agency?

STURGIS: I don't know sir.

Olsen: And who was the chief CIA officer having supervisory responsibilities or major responsibility for Operation Forty?

STURGIS: I couldn't go over Sam Jennis myself.

Olsen: But you don't know who it was?

STURGIS: All I knew who was above him was Frank Bender, whom I have never met.

Olsen: Did you meet other people who were, let's say, non-Cubans, who were involved in the planning with respect to the operation that finally ended up with the Bay of Pigs?

STURGIS: Yes, sir.

Olsen: Who else did you meet?

STURGIS: I would have to look through my notes and get you the names.

Olsen: You don't remember any right off hand here now?

STURGIS: Well, there was one man, I can't tell you his name, but he had one arm, and he was a colonel in the French Foreign Legion. He had this home which I had visited several times. I think it was in Coconut Grove. And he was a CIA official. And I believe I do have his name sir, in my notes.

Olsen: Now, what part did you play, FRANK, in this whole operation that led to the Bay of Pigs?

STURGIS: Well, I will have to go back again to Geraldine Shamma at Brickel Avenue. My contact with all the same top military commanders that were in Cuba both in the Army and in the Air Force who were in exile. Geraldine's contact with the head of the underground organization inside of Cuba, with Francisco, whose real name I will give you, but I forget it off hand. Her contact here in Brickel Avenue with BARKER and HUNT. And my association, naturally, with Sam Jennis, who at a later date, when I told him that BARKER wanted me to help him in some of his work, and BARKER, not knowing that I had contact, or was working with Sam Jennis, of course, you have got to understand, a lot of these top people that were in exile who at a later date were involved in the Congo who were friends of mine who were CIA agents. And those were the agents when they came into exile.

I know this is off the track, Mr. Olsen, but it is going to be very important. You have got to understand that you have the same -- not all the Cubans, now, I am talking about -- you have the same nucleus of the Cubans who came over here in the beginning, not every one, but the nucleus of them who were in Cuba with Batista, who were associated with the gambling casinos, the crime syndicate, the American crime syndicate, which in turn controlled the Cuban crime syndicate because all Cubans are not bad, but there was a Cuban crime syndicate. These same people, because of the people they knew with Batista, because of the people that they knew in Cuba, they not only supported Batista, but those same people did support the new Castro government, and got themselves in as a safeguard that if the rebels did succeed, at least they had contact. And they did give money and they did give information and so forth, to these people. And some of them were involved in drugs and crime and what have you.

Olsen: When you say these people, who are the people you are talking about?

STURGIS: I can't put my finger on it, Mr. Olsen. But as we go along -- I am going to jump again -- I have seen this myself, the same people who participated, some of them who participated in the Bay of Pigs invasion, were people who were considered Batistanos, some of them. Now, the Batistanos who supported Batista weren't all bad, but these same people who came over here and were recruited by the CIA, and worked here as agents, and some as double agents. Because of their criminal activities, a lot of information was gotten out of Cuba, because of the contacts.

Olsen: Were any of these people among the leaders of the Cuban Revolutionary Council?

STURGIS: No, I would think they were outside of the Revolutionary Council.

Olsen: Were any of these people among the leaders of the Brigade?

STURGIS: Some were suspected of being double-agents in the Brigade. But then again, you must understand that the Brigade itself, or persons in the Brigade was not a CIA agent, even though the Brigade was recruited from the Cuban colony to fight its soldiers. So that doesn't make them CIA agents, that makes them a force being financed and trained, and their families being paid monies while they were training, and away from home, and fighting, and even while they were in Cuba as prisoners their families were still receiving money from the CIA.

Olsen: Were any of the Batista clan, let's call them, who were among the leaders of Operation Forty?

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: Who among the leadership of Operation Forty?

STURGIS: Felipe Guiterrez, the second chief of Operation Forty, was a G-2 agent under Batista, a high ranking officer.

Olsen: Was he someone who had close connections with the crime syndicate in Cuba?

STURGIS: I don't know that much about it. But there was a hatred between the second chief of Operation Forty and Sam Jennis, who was the chief of Operation Forty. Each one accused the other, from my information, of being a double agent, while being a CIA agent.

Olsen: Can you name for us a few of the top people who you felt or believed at that time to be persons who had close connections with the Cuban and American underground syndicate -- underworld syndicate?

STURGIS: Senator or ex-Senator Rolando Masferrer. I have something in there that I would like to give you so that you will know his whole background. And then another Senator who at one time was involved in drugs -- I can't think of his name. Masferrer was called El Tigre, the tiger. He was a Senator under Batista, an ex-Communist, and an ex-member of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade in Spain. He owns a newspaper in Miami called Libertad. And he was very much in touch with the crime syndicate, the American crime syndicate in Havana, plus the Cuban crime syndicate. Anyway, Senator Masferrer, because of his loyalty to General Batista, under the protection and auspices of General Batista, formed army of approximately 2,000 men, a private army, which supposedly was like the muscles of Batista. If Batista wanted to get rid of any of his enemies, Masferrer was there to do the muscle work. He kept the heat off the G-2, which was the Cuban Intelligence Service. I would say many of the ex-Senators that came into exile during Batista's time had contact with the U.S. underworld. This one man, this one Senator, I am trying to remember his name, was involved so much with the U.S. underworld and drugs that the American Government at one time threatened Batista to stop the sale of all legal drugs into Cuba because of this man. And this man today is living in Miami Beach.

Olsen: Is he the Senator whose name you are trying to remember?

STURGIS: Yes. And a very wealthy man.

Navarro: He is the closest friend of President Prio.

STURGIS: Very close to ex-President Carlos Prio.

Olsen: Let's move on from that subject here now to a further exploration of what you did during this period leading up to the Bay of Pigs. Did you operate with the Revolutionary Council?

STURGIS: I had contact with the Revolutionary Council.

Olsen: Did you have contact with Operation Forty.

STURGIS: Yes, sir, I did.

Olsen: And did you have contact with the Brigade?

STURGIS: No sir, not with the Brigade in general. What I did do is, many of the Brigade members -- not many, but some of the Brigade members -- did live at my home. I had a home at Southwest 60th Court.

Olsen: What role did you play in that organization?

STURGIS: Intelligence, training, I did train some of the Brigade members in the Everglades. And I have pictures of the training camp. As a matter of fact, one of the persons I did train is the Vice Mayor of Miami, Manolo Rebozo. I trained many of the intelligence teams for the Brigade.

Olsen: Did you get paid for this activity?

STURGIS: I did not get paid by CIA.

Olsen: Did you get paid by anybody?

STURGIS: Can we just leave that alone right there?

Olsen: You are at liberty at any time, FRANK, to not go into some subject if you don't want to. But the important thing for us here is, we want to find of whether the CIA has been involved in any improper domestic activities in the U.S., and that is why we want, if we can, to get you to discuss as openly with us as possible what your connection with the CIA was.

STURGIS: Well, it is going to be very difficult, Mr. Olsen, for me to really tell you what my connections with the CIA are, because I have nothing to show. But in the record there are documents, CIA documents and memoranda, that show that, for instance, John Dean at the Watergate hearing -- some of the documents, and so forth, CIA documents -- John Dean made a telephone call to Mr. Schlesinger, who at the time was Director of the CIA --

Olsen: Hold up, if you will, right here, FRANK. I want you to tell me not what came out in Watergate hearings from somebody else, I want you to tell me what your relationship was down there as you knew it.

STURGIS: Well, I was associated with the CIA.

Olsen: But I want to know exactly what that association was.

STURGIS: Well, that is what I am trying to put in perspective.

Olsen: I want to have you lay out the facts as clearly as you possibly can lay them out to us, pinpointing as accurately as you possibly can, what your connection with the CIA was during the period of time that the Bay of Pigs operation was being planned and carried out.

STURGIS: Okay. At one period -- and I can't remember the date, I am not sure whether it was before the Bay of Pigs or after the Bay of Pigs -- one of the CIA agents wanted me to assist him.

Olsen: Who is that?

STURGIS: BERNARD L. BARKER. I made contact with Sam, and Sam says, help him.

Olsen: When you say Sam, are you talking about Sam Jennis?

STURGIS: Yes. The idea was FRANK, there are groups here that are breaking the law. We don't want to upset the apple cart in Cuba. You will have to help me, because of many groups, revolutionary groups are breaking the law.

Olsen: So BARKER approached you?

STURGIS: Right.

Olsen: And what did he approach you for?

STURGIS: Well, there was an operation in effect where a F-4U -- I believe it was an F4U -- Navy fighter plane was bought by some Americans to be used in a bombing raid over Cuba, most likely Havana -- that is the oil refineries.

Olsen: Can I interrupt just a second? That was after the Bay of Pigs, wasn't it?

STURGIS: I am not sure whether it was before or after.

Olsen: Go ahead.

STURGIS: The only way you can find out about that is, I will give you the name, and if you can get in touch with the party, I believe he may have records, I don't know, because my records were destroyed.

Olsen: Anyway, BARKER wanted you to try to give him some help in cooling the thing, is that it?

STURGIS: Yes sir. I told BARKER that I would see what I can do. I made contact with Sam Jennis, and told him what BARKER, as friend of mine, wanted me to do. And he said for me to go and help BARKER.

Olsen: And did you then do some investigation?

STURGIS: Yes, sir.

Olsen: Did you come up with anything?

STURGIS: I sure did.

Olsen: Did you pass that on to BARKER?

STURGIS: Yes sir. I took him to where the airplane was hidden in a hanger and being worked on and ready for a bombing run over the oil refineries in Havana.

Olsen: And was that planned operation then aborted as a result?

STURGIS: It was broken up, and I believe the airplane was confiscated, through the channels, proper channels. The man that was primarily involved in this thing, his name was Bill Johnson.

Olsen: And where was Bill Johnson from?

STURGIS: From Miami.

Olsen: Is he an American?

STURGIS: Yes sir, he is an American citizen. And he lives there today, and he has a business there in that area.

Olsen: Had he been employed to do this by Cuban revolutionaires, do you know?

STURGIS: No sir. He was a mercenary man that would contact Cuban groups and ask them for money, he would do certain things, and make flights, and so forth, over Cuba. I, a number of times, did seek to obtain Bill Johnson's help in the Bahama Islands for bases that were needed (illegible) bases in the Bahama Islands. And Bill did help me on a number of occasions as far as some air penetrations in Cuba. He dug up some pilots for me, not knowing or realizing, I believed, that I was connected with anybody in the CIA.

Olsen: Did you engage in any of this kind of activity yourself similar to what Bill Johnson did?

STURGIS: Yes, I went on a number of these flights.

Olsen: Did you consider yourself kind of a mercinary yourself?

STURGIS: No, sir.

Olsen: Who planned, organized, financed and otherwise involved you in these activities, then, that were directed at Cuba after the Bay of Pigs?

STURGIS: Well, you must remember that I had a position in Cuba with my friends who also had top positions even higher than my position. And I considered myself a revolutionary like them. I assisted my government and various agencies, including the CIA, with no salary in mind. At some time or another where CIA money was used -- for instance, the B-25, I flew with Pedro Diaz Lanz over the city of Havana on October 21, 1959, dropping several hundreds of thousands of leaflets over the city, over the Air Forces base.

Olsen: Who prepared those leaflets?

STURGIS: I had a home on Southwest 60 Court where Diaz Lanz and his two brothers and myself and other people, revoltionary Cubans, lived, and I had a secret printing machine that we printed these leaflets with.

Olsen: What other kind of projects ---

Roethe: Was this financed by the CIA, or at least do you believe it was?

STURGIS: Well, I cannot actually tell you that it was. Because at that period of time I did not know, even though we did have contact with the company. I cannot say, unless I see you as a CIA man give him money, I cannot say I saw him get money from the CIA.

Roethe: Was somebody financing this?

STURGIS: Certainly.

Roethe: And the financing was --

Olsen: Let me follow up on this if I may, Jim. Do you know who directly put up the money to finance that flight with the propaganda leaflets over Havana in October 1959?

STURGIS: October 21, 1959. The money for that operation, no, off hand I don't know directly where that money came from. You would have to ask Commander Pedro Diaz Lanz, or his brother, Marcos, Diaz Lanz.

Olsen: What other projects did you participate in directed at Cuba. Let's talk about after you left from Cuba now.

STURGIS: I did go to the Dominican Republic. I spoke several times with Raphael Trujillo, the President of the Dominican Republic.

Olsen: About what?

STURGIS: About giving help to Pedro Diaz Lanz. And he agreed to. Unfortunately, Pedro did not want to go the Dominican Republic. He stayed in Miami.

Olsen: And what else did you do in terms of activities directed at Cuba?

STURGIS: I went to Guatemala, and I spoke with the President of Guatemala, President Ydigoras.

Olsen: About the same thing, about assistance to Pedro Diaz Lanz?

STURGIS: Not only assistance, but also invasion bases, which President Ydigoras was giving to the Cubans for an invasion of Cuba.

Roethe: Who sponsored those trips?

STURGIS: I would have to think on that particular thing where the money was obtained.

Olsen: At whose request or suggestion did you go to Guatemala for that purpose?

STURGIS: I am not sure at this time.

Olsen: Can you tell us at whose suggestion or request you went to the Dominican Republic and talked to Trujillo?

STURGIS: I was at the Biltmore Terrace Hotel on Miami Beach -- I can't remember the year. But the man who was running, or at least one of the men who was running the Biltmore Terrace Hotel was Norman Rothman. That place was supposidely a hang out of all the top Batista people who came into exile. The top of the Biltmore Hotel was being readied for President Batista, who was in the Dominican Republic. I went to the Biltmore. And I was introduced to an intelligence agent who was a close buddy of General Trujillo's son, who I believe at the time was chief of the Air Force, the Dominican Air Force. This man asked me, or approached me in conversation and told me the General Trujillo would like to speak with the ex-Chief of Air Force, Pedro Diaz Lanz. And if I could make arrangements for the contact between him and Pedro, he would appreciate it. And I did make contact. And Pedro did not want to go to the Dominican Republic. So I said, I will go to the Dominican for you. And I did. And it was set up and arranged by this intelligence agent.

Olsen: The intelligence agent of ---

STURGIS: Trujillo. And I was received -- I had carte blanc in the Dominican Republic. I stayed at the top hotel there, I think it was called the Ambassador Hotel there in Santo Domingo. I was received at the palace. I went directly with this intelligence agent to the Presidential office. Trujillo was present in his white uniform. Johnny Abbes, as Chief of Intelligence, was there, a known past Communist, who I believe is still a Communist, or at least playing his little games.

Olsen: FRANK, can you tell me what other projects now you participated in that were directed against Cuba?

STURGIS: Well, I did a number of air and boat operations against Cuba that were not green light operations.

Olsen: Now, tell me what air operations you conducted?

STURGIS: Well, let me tell you the main ones, because I did so many that I couldn't pinpoint them all. One of the main operations -- well, Havana, October 21, 1959, which caused and created an international incident between the U.S. Government and the Cuban Government. A few months later relations were broken because of this incident, it was as excuse, between the governments, relations were completely broken. Another operation I did over the City of Havana with two aircraft, I dropped several hundred thousands of leaflets over that city.

Olsen: When was that?

STURGIS: I forget the date on that. I made a flight over Santiago De Cuba.

Olsen: For what purpose?

STURGIS: Leaflets. I made another flight into Las Villas Provence and dropped two underground agents into Las Villas Province with radio equipment.

Olsen: By parachute?

STURGIS: Yes, sir. I made another flight on the south coast of Pinar del Rio Province.

Olsen: For what purpose?

STURGIS: To drop some leaflets there. And I made some bombing runs over Nuevitas. And I dropped four bombs over the City of Nuevitas.

Olsen: What were you trying to hit?

STURGIS: Tobacco warehouses. The idea of that -- it sounds ridiculous -- but the idea of that was, as I made a number of penetrations by air and by boat -- and I thought they were ridiculous to do these things -- not all the operations I did were ridiculous, but from what Sam told me, the purpose of these operations was to test defenses, the radar defenses, their anti-aircraft defenses and their naval defenses. And I would fly in low and slow in a small aircraft, and not necessarily would I do all the trips, but I would organize these trips. And he preferred that I did not go on these trips, but I went.

Olsen: Who is he?

STURGIS: Sam Jennis. And I maintained a good leader of men must take risks.

Olsen: You mean he approved of these trips, but didn't like the idea of you doing it yourself, is that it?

STURGIS: Yes.

Olsen: At whose behest did you make these trips?

STURGIS: Well, most of them by Sam. You must understand this. Again, I will say, I don't know if I told you this on the record, that there are green light operations. A green light operation is an operation that all agencies are involved in. In other words, if the CIA wants to do an operation, especially if it is here in the U.S., for instance, like the Bay of Pigs invasion, every law in the book was broken, because they were smuggling refugees in and out of the countries, guns, explosives. My boat was used for infiltration into Cuba of guns and agents and explosives.

Olsen: In preparation for the Bay of Pigs?

STURGIS: Before and after the Bay of Pigs.

Olsen: What kind of boat did you have?

STURGIS: Well, I had four boats. It think it was a 63-foot Coast Guard cutter that we bought in Norfolk, Virginia. I bought another boat --

Olsen: When you say we bought that boat in Norfolk, Virginia, when was that bought?

STURGIS: Let me say, Pedro Diaz Lanz went down to Norfolk, Virginia, and put the money up, and so forth, and he and his brother and myself took it back from Norfolk, Virginia, and brought it down here to Miami.

Olsen: With what money did you buy it?

STURGIS: Again, I have a blank thing here in my mind at that particular time as to where that particular money came from.

Olsen: Who put the money up, Pedro Diaz Lanz.

STURGIS: He, himself? No. He was given money to buy all this equipment.

Olsen: But you don't know by whom?

STURGIS: Right now, no sir, I don't know who gave him the money for these boats.

Olsen: Anyway, did the boat get registered in your name?

STURGIS: Yes, sir.

Olsen: This Coast Guard cutter?

STURGIS: Yes, sir, all four boats were registered in my name, the Coast Guard cutter, of which I have the pictures -- and I think I have the numbers on that.

Olsen: And what other boat do you have?

STURGIS: I have another boat, which was a 63 foot yacht called the Quesa.

Olsen: And who bought that boat?

STURGIS: Pedro Diaz Lanz and myself.

Olsen: Again, with money that you don't know the source of?

STURGIS: I can't think of it.

Olsen: What I am trying to do is speed up these things. I don't want to hear the story about each boat. I am trying to get at the guts of these things. What other boats did you have?

STURGIS: I had two 60-foot fiberglass boats that we bought from Bertram Yacht Company, two sixty footers that did approximately 50 miles an hour.

Olsen: These were power boats?

STURGIS: Power boats, yes sir.

Olsen: Private launchings, so to speak?

STURGIS: No, sir. I believe they were about -- I think they were maybe 16 feet wide and 30 feet wide.

Olsen: What were they being made for?

STURGIS: For infiltration in and out because of the speed, they did a top speed of fifty miles and hour.

Olsen: Were they manufactured expressly for you?

STURGIS: No, sir. These were new boats that Bertrams were bringing out of the yard as experimental for either racing or for anyone who wanted this type of a yacht for speed.

Roethe: Do you have any indication that any of these boats were paid for by CIA funds? Do you suspect or believe that they were?

STURGIS: Let me say this here. Again, the boats were used for infiltration, and there was CIA infiltration. Now, the person who can really get to the nitty gritty of boats, and so forth, is either Marcos Diaz Lanz -- and I will give you his address in Miami -- Pedro Diaz Lanz, I do not believe he is in Miami, he is the brother of Marcos, I believe that he is in Texas working as a fumigating pilot. And as a matter of fact, Pedro Diaz Lanz was very, very upset by the Bay of Pigs invasion. He was in charge of a special air group with the B-25 that was in my name. It failed, he told them it failed, he didn't like the operation. And he has got a dread, he is very paranoid, that the CIA wants to kill him. I think he is wrong. But unfortunately, I believe he is that paranoid in his mind, and he sees an agent behind every door that wants to kill him. But he has been in touch with the CIA.

Olsen: FRANK, you have mentioned the fact that you and Diaz Lanz, one of them at least, Pedro, acquired these boats, and that these boats were then used in certain operations directed at Cuba. What were these operations?

STURGIS: Infiltrations.

Olsen: When you say infiltrations, are you talking about putting people who are in Cuba?

STURGIS: And taking people out of Cuba, and bringing guns and equipment into Cuba.

Olsen: Now, when were these boats acquired, before the Bay of Pigs?

STURGIS: Yes, sir.

Olsen: And were these trips into Cuba to bring people in, and to take people out of Cuba, and to run guns into Cuba, and so on, conducted both before and after the Bay of Pigs operation?

STURGIS: Yes, sir.

Olsen: How long did they continue after the Bay of Pigs operation?

STURGIS: I don't know, sir. I cannot give you a date.

Olsen: Approximately.

STURGIS: The Bay of Pigs was 1961. Maybe 1962, 1963.

Olsen: Do you still have any of those boats?

STURGIS: No, sir.

Olsen: When were they disposed of?

STURGIS: I turned them over to Diaz Lanz, and Diaz Lanz in turn sold them.

Olsen: And you don't know what will happen to the proceeds?

STURGIS: Well, Diaz Lanz did take most of the proceeds, he gave his brother some, and as a matter of fact, he gave me a little bit, not much, but a little.

Olsen: Do you recollect how much he gave you?

STURGIS: On the boats I think maybe he might have given me a thousand dollars.

Olsen: Did you get all of the directions, and orders, and requests, to make these runs in to Cuba with the boat from Diaz Lanz, or did you get direction and orders from anybody else?

STURGIS: It was a combination. Understand, I did not want Pedro to know that I had contact with the people, because he trusted me explicitly.

Olsen: You didn't want him to know that you had contact with what people?

STURGIS: Well, for instance, I would make in a round-about way contact for Pedro with other Cuban people, different agencies and so forth.

Olsen: You have got me confused, now. I don't know what agencies or people you are talking about here now that you didn't want Pedro Diaz Lanz to know about.

STURGIS: I am getting a little ahead. For instance, if BARKER wanted to meet certain people, he would call me and say, FRANK, I would like to meet so and so, do you know him, or can you get contact with him? And I would say, yes, and then I would make contact and take these parties to BARKER to see what BARKER would want of the person.

Olsen: Did you ever get any directions with respect to any of these boat or air operations directed at Cuba from anybody else whom you knew was an official or agent of the CIA?

STURGIS: Let me say that I suspect, it will be an easier word for me.

Olsen: But none that you knew?

STURGIS: Let's say that I suspected of being a CIA agent, yes, I have received orders from them to do operations.

Olsen: But again FRANK, did you ever receive any directions or instructions or requests to conduct any of these boat or air operations against Cuba from somebody whom you knew to be an agent of the CIA? I will come back to the business of suspicion here later, but I first want to get an answer to that question.

STURGIS: Yes.

Olsen: Who?

STURGIS: Sam Jennis.

Olsen: Now, what operation or operations were you asked to conduct directed at Cuba by Sam Jennis?

STURGIS: I was asked to assist Conte Aguerro.

Olsen: You were asked to do what with respect to Dr. Conte Aguerro?

STURGIS: To assist him in air operations, that Conte Aguerro would get the money. And I was to organize an air group to do several air drops into Cuba, and pay the expenses and pay, not salaries, but pay the expenses for the operation.

Olsen: Were you then paid by Dr. Conte Aguerro?

STURGIS: Well, Dr. Conte Aguerro used to ask me, well, FRANK, what would it cost to organize and do an air lift raid over Cuba? And I would sit down with him and go over the figures of what I would have to do, and the money that would have to be laid out and so forth.

Olsen: And then did he pay for that?

STURGIS: He would give the money to me. For instance, I told him, here is a figure here, this, this, let's make a round figure of $5,000 to do air operations.

Olsen: But did he then pay you?

STURGIS: Yes he would give me the money, he never paid me.

Olsen: What is the difference between his paying you and giving you the money?

STURGIS: There is such a thing as, if you want to get paid, that means each week you get paid a set salary.

Olsen: If I sell you an automobile for $5,000 and you pay me $5,000 for that automobile, that doesn't mean you are going to do it every week, does it?

STURGIS: He is a good lawyer, I can't win that particular point with you. You are right.

Olsen: So he paid you the $5,000 or whatever the figure was whenever you did one of these projects for him?

STURGIS: Right.

Olsen: Did Sam Jennis put you in touch with him, or did he direct you to do this for him?

STURGIS: No, he directed me to do this to make contacts with Conte Aguerro, which I did. And evidently whatever progressed between them too, I did the operation.

Olsen: Did Sam Jennis have any occupation or function other than as an agent of the CIA?

STURGIS: To be very honest with you, I never asked him, I don't know.

Olsen: Do you have any reason to believe he was devoting 100 percent of his time to the CIA?

STURGIS: This would have lead me to believe that he was an official of the CIA. Now, Felix, or Felipe Gutierrez, I know he was in construction.

Olsen: And only maybe part -- maybe a part-time operative? Or was he an operative at all?

STURGIS: No, I believe his business -- everybody had to make a living -- unless you have something as a front.

Olsen: Did you feel that Gutierrez --- were you of the impression that he was a CIA agent?

STURGIS: Oh, yes, certainly. Like I say, I can't say, I can't put my finger on it and say, well, he is a hundred percent. I knew he was, because of my close connection with CIA people.

Olsen: Let me try and sum up something on kind of an overall basis and see if you can tell me that this is correct or incorrect, that during the years after you came back from Cuba in 1959, and for some few years thereafter, you have engaged in a number of operations involving Cuban exiles and Americans that were in one way or another directed at trying to subvert or overthrow the Castro regime in Cuba?

STURGIS: Yes, sir.

Olsen: That you did so under arrangements where you were asked sometimes to do something, and you would get paid for it?

STURGIS: Yes, sir.

Olsen: Kind of a job-by-job basis, is that a fair statement?

STURGIS: Right.

Olsen: And is it a fair statement that at no time did you know that the money that was being paid to you was or was not CIA money?

STURGIS: Sometimes I did know it was CIA money.

Olsen: Now tell me when you knew it was CIA money.

STURGIS: When my B-25 bomber was at the Miami International Airport to be ready for operation, or to be operational, I knew that the money that Diaz Lanz received to make the payment for the repairs of the B-25 came from CIA.

Olsen: Now did he tell you it came from CIA?

STURGIS: Certainly.

Olsen: Was there a time when the Bay of Pigs operation was being planned?

STURGIS: Yes, sir.

Olsen: Was it intended that your aircraft were going to be used in connection with that operation?

STURGIS: Yes sir. The same thing with the boat, the money that came to maintain the boat for the operation of CIA.

Olsen: Who told you this?

STURGIS: Pedro Diaz Lanz.

Olsen: So that both with respect to the maintenance of your boats and maintenance of the aircraft, Pedro told you that the money was provided for taking care of that was provided him in turn by the CIA?

STURGIS: Yes. He told me that the boats, or the airplanes, needed repairs. And I told him to go see BARKER and get the money. And that is exactly what he did, he went to see BARKER.

Olsen: Did you ever discuss that with BARKER?

STURGIS: I am not sure, really. Again, I am going back into something as detail, whether I told him hey, there was money needed for repairs of the plane, get the money or not, I just told Diaz Lanz to go see BARKER, and to get the boat - get the airplane operational, and that he would give me the money. And that he would get the money. And he did get the money.

Olsen: That is the kind of information that I have been seeking. I am trying to pin down what the money was for, who told you it was CIA money, and what steps were taken that led to your getting the money. Were there any other operations or expenditures that you had which you feel you are on strong, sound ground in saying were financed by the CIA?

STURGIS: I was asked to do an assassination.

Olsen: By whom?

STURGIS: Can I hold back on that?

Olsen: No, I would prefer that you tell us, if you will.

STURGIS: It was never carried out.

Olsen: That is all right.

STURGIS: I was contacted by this agent -- I am trying to go ahead and think of the date again, because again I will say, I had notes, and I keep them so far, and then I destroy them. And I did tell the Senate Watergate Committee that a friend of mine who was a CIA agent contacted me and asked me if I would do an assassination. And I told him I would. He said, good. Then, I will pass it on to my superior. And he made contact with me later, at a later date. I believe we had -- I am not sure -- I think we had either lunch or dinner at some ranch house.

Olsen: Is this in Miami?

STURGIS: Yes.

Olsen: First of all, can you go back and tell me when you were approached by this friend of yours.

STURGIS: This is why I say, I can't remember by the exact date, and maybe by talking --

Olsen: How about, if you give us the season of what year?

Roethe: How about just the year?

STURGIS: I can't remember the year.

Roethe: This is after you got back from Cuba, obviously?

STURGIS: Yes, it had to be. Let me see if I can narrow it down just about what year. Let's see. It had to be either before the Bay of Pigs, which is 1961, or after the Bay of Pigs, which again could be 1961. So I would say approximately it would be 1961.

Olsen: Then where were you approached?

STURGIS: In Miami.

Olsen: And is this somebody, FRANK, for the moment, let's defer to your wishes, or your reservations, at least, by naming them. But is this somebody whom you knew to be employed by the CIA?

STURGIS: No, sir.

Olsen: Is it somebody who you knew to be a contract agent of the CIA?

STURGIS: No sir. All I knew is that he was an agent, and at a later date, it was proven he was an agent. So my contacts with this man throughout the years, how he worked, my close contact with him, in Miami, the way of operation, the way he handles himself, the people that he was in close contact with, that the top political and military people who were in exile that he was in touch with, the formation of the Bay of Pigs itself before the invasion, came through this particular man. He was part of the forming of this -- at least of the Revolutionary Council. And I was approached by him and I told Sam about it. I said, Sam, what do you think? The idiot -- I hope this never gets publicized.

Olsen: Trust us.

STURGIS: I said, this idiot took me out, and we had some lunch, and he asked me if I wanted to do an assassination, or if I would do an assassination attempt for the outfit. And I looked him square in the face and I told him why did you come to me? And he says, well, FRANK, like, who else? You are a man that the Chief knows your background, and I know your background, and I know you are capable. And you are a capable man. And if anybody can do it, you can do it. But the thing is, would you be interested? And I said, yes I would be.

Olsen: Did he talk to you about a sum of money?

STURGIS: No, no money was -- the discussion of money was not involved in it, because I would not do anything for money. And he knows better than to ask me, unless it would be, FRANK, what do you need for your expenses?

Olsen: Who was the target of this assassination? Was it Fidel?

STURGIS: No. I don't know. What happened was that I had another meeting with him, and he said he would contact his Chief, and he would -- and he told me to contact him later on, and I think he gave me a certain day to contact him, and I said okay. You must remember that, how I know this man as an agent, because he does the same things as I do, in his wife, he types away, or at least he has a wife who types away, he makes all the reports, and stacks them in a file cabinet. I have heard him talk to his Case Officer on the telephone. And to me that was very stupid of him in doing that event to me who was his friend. That is a very stupid way of doing things. Because he did not suspect that I was in contact with Sam, he cannot know. And the only time he suspected that I had anything to do with the CIA is when we were in prison, and the man on the television said, yes, he used to work for the CIA.

Olsen: When you say CIA, you were talking about the Watergate, not the other agent and me?

STURGIS: I am talking about the agent and me, who was part of the Watergate group. And he was dumbfounded and said, what, you work for CIA? And I said, yes sir, you dumb bastard you, I was turning you in to my case officer.

Olsen: So neither one of you suspected --

STURGIS: I knew he was an agent, but I didn't know that I was in contact -- I never used the word -- or at least I don't think I did, and I hope I haven't used it today -- that I said I was an employee of CIA.

Olsen: No, I haven't even said that you were an agent of the CIA.

STURGIS: Or that I was connected with the CIA.

Olsen: Now, who was the target of this conversation about assassination?

STURGIS: I had a second meeting with him at the Ranch House and he told me, he says, well, this is interesting FRANK. He said, about his assassination, and I said, fine. I did. And then he started to questioning, how would you do it? And I said, how do you mean how I would do it? There are several ways of trying to do an assassination. The things I have to know is who the person is, that is number 1, it is important, and where the person is at, which is important. And then, I will have to go ahead and go to the place where this man lives or what have you, after I know this information. And I said then, I can go ahead and tell you how I can do it. And he said, with a body, this and that, he will be discovered, you know we can't be connected with it. And I said, well, if you are worried about that, you do it. And he said, well, I can't do it. And I said, Okay, beautiful. And I want -- I wanted to tell you something, I will do this, because you are a friend of mine, and because you asked me. But I will want more than that. And he said what is that? I said I want it from somebody higher than you, from somebody with authority. If you tell me -- and you are my friend, and I believe you -- but I want it more from somebody that has some authority. You have a case officer. I want your case officer to tell me to do an assassination plot, and I will do it. But coming from you, you are my friend, my buddy, but I have got to have more than that for my protection.

Olsen: Did he ever put you in contact with his case officer?

STURGIS: I knew who his boss was.

Olsen: Who was his boss?

STURGIS: EDUARDO. Wait a minute. I am sorry. I could be wrong there. I said the wrong thing. If I am going after the Bay of Pigs invasion, if this did happen, as far as the date is concerned, after the Bay of Pigs invasion, EDUARDO did quit the operation and go on some other assignment or what have you. So that means he was no longer in the Miami area. So this part I had to get a new case officer.

Olsen: EDUARDO left Miami before the Bay of Pigs, didn't he?

STURGIS: He left after -- well, I don't know, I am sorry. Because there is the possibility that he may have been either in Miami or he may have been in the Headquarters in Washington. But I can't pin it down because I don't know exactly where he was at.

Olsen: Did he ever make contacts with the man's case officer?

STURGIS: No, sir, because it had to be one of two people, it either had to be EDUARDO, whom I had never met, or it had to be possibly (Deleted) [Esterline], after EDUARDO left.

Olsen: Did (Deleted) take his place then.

STURGIS: I believed so, I believe (Deleted) did take his place as this party's case officer.

Olsen: And then, you did not actually have any contact with his case officer?

STURGIS: When I told him that, I think it kind of stung him a little bit. And he said, well, okay, all right. Then, you will go through with it? And I said certainly I will go through with it, I don't care who the hell it is. I said, you let me know. And hopefully, I was thinking of Fidel Castro, because I could have snuck in to Cuba, I have done it so many times, and I would have taken a crack at killing Fidel.

Roethe: I missed something when I was out of the room. I take it you did not know the identity of the person whom you were being asked to assassinate?

STURGIS: No, sir, I did not. I asked him -- you see, I didn't publish it, in other words, I was told no publicity. I was told, because Sam says go ahead and work with him and he said let me know what is progressing.

Roethe: Is Sam what you would call your case officer?

STURGIS: Sam is my contact, the one I was connected with.

Roethe: And you would always go to him before you would go ahead with some action like this?

STURGIS: Oh, exactly. I wouldn't do anything unless I received an okay from somebody.

Roethe: Did you have any idea that this had anything to do with Cuba?

STURGIS: It always had to do with Cuba.

Roethe: You were aware that this assassination had something to do with Cuba?

STURGIS: I was thinking that if it did, I could have been wrong. I was thinking it could have something to do with Cuba.

Roethe: Did Sam seem to know anything about the subject -- about this, or did this seem to come as a surprise?

STURGIS: It was a surprise. He was surprised that my friend approached me on something like this. And he said, don't say no. I said I will do it to anybody. I said Sam, if it is all right, if this case officer -- Sam said, tell me who the case officer is, and if it is true, okay.

Roethe: What was your motivation for saying that you would do this?

STURGIS: Do you know what a whore is?

Roethe: Do I know what a whore is?

STURGIS: Yes.

Roethe: I guess I do.

STURGIS: I don't mean to go ahead and embarrass you. I am sorry. But in intelligence a whore is an agent that they would want that would do anything. But he has got to be motivated by patriotism. And that he would do anything for his country, regardless of what it was.

Roethe: Assuming that it was something that an official request made on behalf of the government?

STURGIS: Well, you would think that if it was case officer -- and you would be surprised how powerful a case officer -- what power a case officer has in his hands. He has got a lot of power.

Olsen: Thank you very much, FRANK.

(Whereupon at 6:00 p.m. the interview was concluded).

In a telephone interview with Robert Olsen of the Rockefeller Commission on April 22, 1975 it was noted: "Wants to correct something. Park Wollan was Council General but STURGIS didn't contact him. It was Paterson, called him Bill. Was CIA Agent there, left CIA later after getting to be Chief of Station in Santiago. STURGIS was in touch with Wollan, possibly met him. (Deleted) and (Deleted) were in Havana."

STURGIS told Paul Meskil: "We met at the Casa Grande Hotel in Santiago. Wollan knew who I was and what I was doing. He approached me or someone introduced us. We had several other meetings and discussed my patriotism and so forth. I agreed to work with him. Later, when the revolution was over, I received orders to go to Havana. Wollan told me who to contact in the American Embassy there." STURGIS said his contact at the Embassy was Sam Kail.

INTERARMCO

STURGIS obtained weapons from International Armaments Company - INTERARMCO - of Alexandria, Virginia. Samuel Cummings, the President of INTERARMCO had been associated with the CIA in Guatemala in 1954. Many of the rifles that STURGIS obtained from Interarmco were surplus 6.5 millimeter Mannlicher-Carcanos. STURGIS was asked about this coincidence. STURGIS: "I possibly could have purchased Mannlicher-Carcanos, if they had them, yes I could have. As a matter of fact, you are recalling something for me which is..."

In 1964 the FBI speculated OSWALD'S ammunition came from four million rounds of 6.5 millimeter ammunition that had been sold to the Marines in 1954. When the FBI ascertained the Marine Corps did not use this caliber, the agents conjectured that the Marines were merely a CIA cover used to make the purchase. HEMMING told this researcher: "INTERARMCO was selling tons of that shit in 1963."

ROBERT B. OLSEN

Rockefeller Commission investigator Robert B. Olsen evaluated STURGIS' reliability:

COMMISSION ON CIA ACTIVITIES WITHIN THE UNITED STATES

WASHINGTON, D.C. 20500

April 23, 1975

MEMORANDUM FOR: FILE

FROM: ROBERT B. OLSEN

SUBJECT: Interview with FRANK STURGIS, April 3, 1975, and April 4, 1975.

I have just reviewed the transcript of the taped portion of the interview with FRANK STURGIS and I am reminded to dictate this memorandum to the file.

It is my impression that very little reliance can be placed on the claims of FRANK STURGIS that he has engaged in a variety of activities for the CIA. He appears to be so caught up in the romantic aspects of his own activities that he finds it difficult to separate fact from fiction.

Prior to his coming to Washington for the interview, he had told me by telephone that he had concrete evidence to show that President Kennedy had been assassinated as a result of a conspiracy involving members of the Cuban crime syndicate and the CIA. He also told me he had participated in several actual attempts to assassinate Fidel Castro, including one in New York City, and that these attempts had been undertaken on behalf of the CIA.

The detailed interview in Washington bore out neither of these claims. The alleged connection between the CIA, the Cuban crime syndicate, and the assassination of President Kennedy turned out to be nothing but sheer speculation on the part of STURGIS. As respects the assassination attempts on Fidel Castro, it turns out that he had been engaged in plotting to assassinate Fidel Castro and other Cuban leaders while he was an official of the Castro Government during early 1959, and that the CIA had nothing whatever to do with this plotting. Indeed, he states during the course of the interview that he discussed that plotting with a Colonel Nichols at the American Embassy in Havana, and was repeatedly asked not to attempt such assassination. While STURGIS claims that he was asked by BERNARD BARKER if he would be willing to undertake an assassination attempt, he acknowledged that he did not even know who was involved, or whether it was inside or outside the United States. He admits that the talk among Cubans in Florida of assassinating Castro in New York hd nothing to do with the CIA

These gross discrepancies between initial flamboyant claims and any hard evidence give rise to serious questions of credibility. The same is true with respect to the claims STURGIS makes regarding requests made to him to undertake ventures on behalf of the CIA. One gets the impression that STURGIS feels that every contact he has with a government official or anybody whom he has known to have been an agent or asset of the CIA has involved a CIA operation.

On the basis of interviews conducted at the CIA, and a review of the records of the CIA, as well as the interview with FRANK STURGIS, it is my impression that STURGIS was never employed by the CIA, was never a contract or other agent of the CIA, was never an informant for the CIA, and was never asked to undertake any contract operation for the CIA. However, it appears likely that STURGIS was active in one or more of the Cuban Revolutionary Front organizations sponsored and financed by the CIA in the early 1960's, and that in this connection he came into contact with various people who, in turn, had direct contacts with the Agency. BERNARD BARKER would be one example.

I intend to check out the claim that STURGIS makes that he was asked in 1968 by a CIA agent (allegedly Joaquin Pedromo Sanjenis) to organize an operation for the hijacking of a Russian ship, which hijacking was to involve a demand for release of political prisoners in Cuba, and a demand for the release of the USS Pueblo by the North Koreans. I also intend to check out his claims that BERNARD BARKER asked him in 1961 if he would be willing to take on an assassination of some unknown person. Incidentally, there is a possible connection on this matter. In 1960 and 1961 E. HOWARD HUNT was active in the organization of a Cuban Government in exile in the United States. In this role he had contacts with BERNARD BARKER, who was under contract with the Agency. HUNT states in his book that he recommended to the Agency that an assassination of Castro be carried out before or contemporaneously with the Bay of Pigs invasion. It is not inconceivable that HUNT would have asked BARKER to check out the possibilities of finding an assassin to carry out such a job if approval were ever given to his recommendation. [SSCIA 157-10005-101-46]

ANALYSIS

Given a receptive environment STURGIS might have talked: "Prior to his coming to Washington for the interview he had told me by telephone that he had concrete evidence to show that President Kennedy had been assassinated as a result of a conspiracy involving members of the Cuban crime syndicate and the CIA." When STURGIS said he was asked by BARKER (who worked for HUNT), to assassinate an unknown individual, Olsen assumed it was Castro. STURGIS had detailed numerous plots against Castro in which he was involved. STURGIS told Canfield this was a domestic assassination. What STURGIS referred to was the Kennedy assassination. Olsen also should have realized that HUNT and STURGIS were lying when they said they did not meet until 1971. BARKER was too close to both men for this to be true.

Portions of transcript of Rockefeller Commission interview with FRANK STURGIS on April 3, 1975, and April 4, 1975, were withheld for National Security reasons by withdrawing archivist KBH. [Withdrawal Sheet ID 04444 - 018000065 and 04443 - 018000065 Box # 4 and #5]

STURGIS 1957 TO 1958 FS

In late 1957 STURGIS met Pedro Diaz Lanz, then a young rebel air force pilot stationed in Santiago de Cuba, and established contact with the CIA at the United States Consulate there, and at the U.S. Embassy, Havana. In February 1958 the FBI generated a document about STURGIS titled: "Deleted." [Allen v. DOD #04490] STURGIS was picked up in Miami for "Illegal Possession of Munitions of War" on July 24, 1958. [FBI 2-1499, serials 1-20] The FBI reported: "On July 24, 1958, United States Customs Service raided two residences in Miami, Florida, and seized large quantities of rifles, machine guns, ammunition and dynamite. One of these residences was rented to FRANK STURGIS. STURGIS returned from Cuba on July 30, 1958, and on his arrival in Miami he was arrested by the United States Customs Service for violation of Federal law." STURGIS was charged with violations relating to the conspiracy to illegally ship arms from the United States.

United States Customs Agent Wallace Shanley recalled: "FRANK and I go back a long ways when he was running guns for Carlos Prio Soccarras. He was an interesting kid. When he first showed up on the surface there, I visited his house. He was going by the name of FRANK STURGIS 'cause his real name had a mafia twang to it. He had a lot of pictures of himself in boxing poses. And I thought, this kid's going to be interesting. He proved to be, over a long period of time. FRANK is a survivor. The whole problem was these hit and run attacks against Fidel. Castro was going to respond excessively. He had these damn missiles cocked and loaded. He wanted no more attacks from the United States. He called them invasions. Kennedy took a paralyzed oath that no more of that would go on. Border Patrol moved in 200 men. The FBI had its 'tamale squad' in the area."

On July 29, 1958, the Miami FBI generated a document about STURGIS: "26th of July Revolutionary Movement." On July 30, 1958 , the FBI Field Office in Washington, D.C., generated a Letter Head Memorandum about STURGIS. On July 30, 1958, the CIA generated a document about STURGIS.

A few months later the federal charges against STURGIS were dropped and STURGIS never went to trial. The FBI reported: "On March 19, 1959, Pat Moller, United States Attorney's Office, Miami, Florida, advised that the office contained no report regarding arrest of the Subject. She stated that a card file reflected that the Subject was given a hearing on July 30, 1958, and was released on $500.00 bond. The specific charge was Illegal Possession of Munitions of War. She said that no time for the Subject's trial had been set, and that there was no notation that there is a warrant outstanding against the Subject." A report on STURGIS dated October 8, 1958, by the CIA, stated: "Subject is in custody of Cuban Army Military Intelligence Service on suspicion he acted as a 26th of July Movement courier between Miami and Santiago de Cuba. Details of activities in Cuba contained in DBF 8393, July 30, 1958." [CIA FOIA F810351D01854] On October 10, 1958, the CIA generated an Index Card (deleted)-02765) that stated STURGIS was a "suspected courier for the 26th of July Revolutionary Movement, Cuba." According to STURGIS, CIA Agents in the American Embassy, Havana, effected his release from detention.

SMUGGLING GUNS TO CUBA FROM MEXICO

The CIA reported that on November 4, 1958, "STURGIS left Mexico for San Francisco to meet Richardo de la Lorie and Pedro Diaz Lanz, Cuban rebel pilots...Called Gustavo Arcos from Yuma, Arizona, saying not able to locate de la Lorie. Arcos gave him de la Lorie phone number in Phoenix. De la Lorie, in conversation (phone) w/Silvio Pena on November 8, 1958, said he had reserved hotel room, Hotel Roosevelt, San Francisco for subject. Pena told Lorie regarding contents Subject's car that he took everything." [Deleted 2754, IN 25120 TDCS-3/377,361 11.10.58] In December 1958 the CIA became aware that STURGIS purchased a Curtis C-46 for $85,000 from Aerovias Sud Americano with a certified check drawn against the First National Bank, Phoenix, Arizona, on or about November 7, 1958. FBI documents concerning this purchase were heavily deleted [FBI 2-1499-34; FBI 2-1499 NR 176 12.10.58] probably because the information originated with the CIA. On November 7, 1958, the FBI Miami generated a report on STURGIS 2 - 192 (field) and 2-1499 (Bureau). On November 15, 1956, FIORINI filed a Declaration of Temporary Sojourn with the Collector of Customs, El Paso, Texas. On or about November 13, 1958, the C-46 left the United States. On November 25, 1958, the Mexican newspaper Excelsior reported 11 persons were arrested on November 20, 1958: "A news clipping from the Mexico City daily newspaper, Excelsior, of November 25, 1958, entitled "Actions Against Cuban Rebels at Apatzingan - Judicial Action at Morelia Against the Eleven Smugglers," reported that 11 persons had been arrested at Uruapan at dawn on November 20, 1956 when they were discovered endeavoring to send arms to the rebels of Fidel Castro in Cuba." The article listed the following as having been arrested: Jose Martinez Machados, Enio Leyva Fuentes, Manuel Carbowell Duque, Orlando Ventura Reyes, Pedro Luis Diaz Saenz, FRANK FIORINI, Manuel Hernadez Turro, Gustavo Arcos Dercles, Jose Alberto Mendez, Isaldo E. Rodriguez Lopez, Armando Franco Maynez, and Roberto Willarte. The article concluded by stating that FRANK FIORINI "the pilot of the plane" and Pedro Diaz Lanz had requested permission to be interviewed with an attorney present and that this request had been granted. The CIA reported: "One FRANK FIORINI arrived in Mexico City by car with Richardo de la Lorie and Pedro Diaz Lanz, Cuban Rebel pilots. November 25, 1958. Subject was arrested in Michoeacan, Mexico." [TDCS-3/376,555; TDCS-3/379,043] The CIA noted "FRANK FIORINI (American) was released by Mexican authorities c/a December 5, 1958, but must report regularly to Mexi authorities until case is dismissed. [TDCS-3/380,304] Pedro Diaz Lanz had been smuggling materiel to Fidel Castro since 1957.

Wallace Shanley stated: "Alan, just the feeling for the man and the situation: FRANK was doing something clandestine. FRANK did no snitching during 1957 to 1959. The place to do that, and get money for that, was the Cuban Consul, Eddie Hernandez. Not the FBI. The FBI had little money. Eddie would have laid some real money on you. He was not snitching on Fidel. Afterwards, when we head into the complex game of the CIA, FBI and everybody else, FRANK played all the different parts."

By the end of 1958, STURGIS had won the trust of Fidel Castro: "I'd go buy guns and equipment. I'd package them up, bring them to the air field, load them on the plane, run over and back to Cuba. I had to do all these things myself, personally, in order to get close to him. I had to show him that I had the intelligence to get him equipment that he needed very badly. I spoke to him while I was in Mexico, over one of the clandestine radio transmitters we had in Ecuador that would transmit directly to Cuba. And I knew him. The things I did to get close to that man. I got very friendly with him...I infiltrated the 26th of July Movement. Nobody knew that. That's why Fidel said I was the most dangerous agent the CIA ever had. Because he found out." FBI reports were generated about STURGIS on September 23, 1958, and November 7, 1958, in Miami, Florida. [Allen v. DOD #04490] Due to the efforts of Pedro Diaz Lanz, STURGIS rose from captain to first deputy commander in the Cuban rebel air force.

BERNARD BARKER

BERNARD L. BARKER (201-251,689) was born in Havana, Cuba, on March 17, 1917, of a native-born American father and a Cuban mother. His birth was recorded at the U.S. Embassy, and he was recognized as having acquired U.S. citizenship by birth through his father. He traveled, not on a U.S. Passport, but on an identity card that proclaimed his U.S. citizenship.

BARKER was in the U.S. Army Air Corps in World War II from 1942 to 1947. He served with the 94th Bombardment Group based at Bury St. Edmunds, Suffolk, England. Captain BARKER was shot down on his 12th mission over Germany, and was a POW for 16 months until he was liberated by Russian guerrillas and returned to American lines. HUNT declared: "In 1948 the Havana CIA Station persuaded him to join the Havana Police Force so that the CIA could have an inside view of Cuban anti-subversive operations. After a few years, when Bernie applied for passport renewal, the Consulate coldly informed him that he had lost his United States citizenship by joining a uniformed force of a foreign country." HUNT'S friend, attorney Mario Lazo, took BARKER'S case. Mario Lazo was listed as a reference in BARKER'S 210 file.

THE BUREAU FOR THE SUPRESSION OF COMMUNISM

It was alleged that BARKER was a high-ranking member of Cuba's Bureau for Suppression of Communism while on the CIA's payroll. [FBI MM 139-328] When BARKER was deposed in the course of HUNT v. ajweberman, he denied participating in the Bureau for Suppression of Communism: "I never held any position with Batista's Secret Police. I was a member of the Cuban Police Department for about a year. My duties were those of regular Police Sergeant. I was not involved in any political matters. I was in contact with U.S. intelligence. I don't remember the nature of the cases I investigated. I was a CIA contract agent." The CIA had this version of events: "In 1950, along with several Cuban-born U.S. citizens who were war veterans, he entered the Cuban police force, where his bilingual abilities soon brought him advancement. BARKER'S relationship with the CIA began in mid-1959 in Havana as a result of his position in the Cuban police force, under the Batista regime, in which capacity he was detailed to liaison duty with U.S. agencies in Havana. He was used by the CIA in Havana as a source of political information and recruited a number of valuable CIA agents in Havana." BARKER'S 201 file indicated that he worked for the Cuban Police Department from 1950 to 1951. He did general police work and left because the ouster of the Chief of Police resulted in the disbandment of the unit. BARKER bought a farm in the Pinar Del Rio Provence of Cuba and became a labor inspector for the Cuban Government. He left this position to work for Remington Rand as a salesman. In January 1955 he became a housing inspector for the Marianao Municipal Government. His reason for having left this position was "Cuban revolution."

BARKER LEAVES CUBA IN JANUARY 1960

BARKER was expeditiously evacuated from Cuba and arrived in Miami in January 1960. The CIA: "Headquarters send (deleted) man soonest from Miami to Havana traveling as tourist by air (deleted) physical description: Age 42, 5' 8", 160 pounds, brown thinning hair and eyes, round face, stocky build. (speaks idiomatic American English without accent and can pass physically as native American.) (deleted) American to turn over Cuban landing card, round trip air ticket and (deleted) documents to BARKER who would then return Miami by Varadero." The CIA agent who was sent into Cuba left the island on a flight that carried Station files and Recordak equipment.

JAMES WALTER McCORD

JAMES WALTER MCCORD was born on January 26, 1924, in Waurika, Oklahoma. From March 1943 to November 1943, he was a FBI Radio Operator and monitor. He became a bombardier in the U.S. Air Corps from November 1943 to November 1945. McCORD was an FBI Agent from 1945 to 1951. In 1951 he opened a cooperative credit service. He joined the CIA as an Domestic Field Officer investigator for the Office of Security. In July 1953 McCORD was assigned to Washington, D.C. In May 1955 McCORD was assigned to the Security Research Staff, Office of Security. On June 27, 1958, a U.S. Air Force C-118 cargo plane strayed into Soviet airspace. The nine-man crew were en route from Wiesbaden, Germany, to Iran and Pakistan, carrying a CIA cargo. Part of the crew were surrounded and beaten by Russian peasants. The crewmen, who did not compromise any CIA operations, were released on July 8, 1958. A document about this incident appeared in McCORD'S CIA file. Bennie A. Shupe, a C-188 crew member, was contacted in December 1993: "I cannot tell you how McCORD interfaced with the operation."

MCCORD, PHILLIPS: FEBRUARY 1961

A Memorandum for the Record, dated February 1, 1961, from Kammer. Subject: (deleted) #188074" stated: "On this date Subject's case was coordinated with Mr. McCORD of Security Research Service, in connection with Subject's operational use with the US by WH/4/Propaganda. The implications of a Counter-Intelligence operation within the States by this Agency, and the possibility Subject might come to the attention of the FBI through association with Court Wood, were discussed. Mr. McCORD expressed the opinion that it is not necessary to advise the FBI of the operation at this time. However, he wishes to review the case in a month. The file of the Subject, along with that of the WH man who is supervising the operation (DAVID ATLEE PHILLIPS #40695) will be pended for the attention of Mr. McCORD on March 1, 1961."

A CIA document dated February 1, 1961, about the Fair Play for Cuba Committee stated

TO: C/EAB/OS

ATTN: Mr. Belt

VIA: WH/4/Security

ATTN: Mr. Kennedy

Subj: Fair Play for Cuba Committee

1. At the request of DAVE PHILLIPS, C/WH/4/Propaganda, I spent the evening of January 6, 1961, with Court Wood, a student who has recently returned from the 3-week stay in Cuba under sponsorship of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee.

2. Court and his father both have voiced very strong pro-Castro sentiments and are extremely critical of our foreign policy in general.

3. I've been advised by Mr. PHILLIPS to continue my relationship with Mr. Wood and I will keep your office informed of each subsequent visit.

4. This is forwarded to you as a matter of information and to become a permanent part of my security file.

(deleted)

WH/4/Registry

[Handwritten note] February 1, 1961, M/R Subject stated this is operational with no specific goal in mind. (Deleted) and Wood went to high school together and although they travel in different circles they on occasion see each other. Wood has (deleted) is a (illegible) player beginning with the time (deleted) file applicant. (Deleted).

McCORD 1962

McCORD'S CIA biographic information was deleted for the years 1959 to 1964 with the exception of the entry "In training in overseas agent security February 1962 to May 1962." [CIA FOIA #2146-78] In May 1962 James McCORD was made Chief of the Security Staff in (deleted) European area. "Subject returned (deleted) to Headquarters in August 1964 and was assigned to the (deleted)." On March 20, 1963 the CIA generated this document: "52 049, McCORD, JAMES (deleted) I SD/I FINAL Francis R. Favorini Hdqs.- orig. Hdqs. - 1 (Deleted) 1." A CIA document also dated March 20, 1963, noted that Mrs. McCord arrived aboard a military flight at McGuire Air Force Base where she was met by a CIA official and assisted through customs after which she flew to Dallas then Lubbock, Texas. Another CIA document read "As of November 1963 McCORD (OS #52 049) was serving in (deleted) as Chief of the Agency Regional Security Support Staff. McCORD was so assigned from June 1962 to June 1964." Edward Petty reported that ANGLETON was in touch with McCORD.

DAVID LEMAR CHRIST

DAVID LEMAR CHRIST was born January 20, 1918, in Tamaqua, Pennsylvania. He died in December 1985 in Bethesda, Maryland. From 1935 to 1937 CHRIST worked in an ESSO gasoline station. From 1937 to 1942 he worked at the Atlas Powder Company in Pennsylvania, packing dynamite and bombs in gelatinous box packs. He joined the Air Force in 1943, where he became a Communications Officer, Cryptography Section, after training at Yale University. When the war ended he rejoined the Atlas Powder Company, received a B.S. from Pennsylvania State University in 1950, then joined the CIA in November 1950 as "the first research and development electronics engineer in what has evolved as the Technical Services Division. He created an Applied Physics Branch. His accomplishments included (deleted) both of which are still Agency stock items, and (deleted). As a pioneer in audio surveillance devices, he recognized very early that the use of systems concept development programs would be most productive in meeting Agency needs. His efforts led to the establishment of specialized contract facilities such as (deleted) which, in 1953, was the first Agency source of transistorized equipment." In 1956 CHRIST was in Japan, Formosa and Korea. In 1957, he was in Berlin, Uruguay, (HUNT was Chief of Station) Argentina, Chile and Panama. In early 1957 CHRIST was made Audio Operations Branch Chief of the Technical Services Division and he began aggressively recruiting and training electronics engineers. Ten R & D scientists worked under his direction. In 1958, he was in Turkey, Pakistan, Greece, Germany and Belgium. In 1959 he was in England and Germany. In early 1960 he was in Mexico and in March 1960, he was in Morocco, Greece and Germany.

S.A. WARREN C. DeBRUEYS

S.A. WARREN C. DeBRUEYS entered the FBI in August 1950. His assignments included work in the Newark Division, and work overseas. S.A. DeBRUEYS was used by the CIA when he served as Legal Attache at the United States Embassies in Brazil, Mexico, and Argentina. The post of Legal Attache in Latin and Central America had been co-opted by the CIA: when Central Intelligence Group was formed on January 22, 1946, the FBI abruptly withdrew its intelligence service from Latin America. This function was immediately taken over by the Central Intelligence Group and the FBI Legal Attaches who remained were co-opted. HUNT: "South of the Rio Grande, CIA Station Chiefs were almost entirely former FBI agents who had served in Latin America during the war." [HUNT Undercover p68; RR p47] S.A. DeBRUEYS was heavily involved in monitoring Cuban exiles after he returned to the United States. [PLP News 2.6.75; Weisberg OSWALD in New Orleans p316; FBI 62-109060-7456; CIA 3076; 7WH476; USSS CO-5-36,777] The name "Warrin DeBryuelu" (WARREN DeBRUEYS) appeared in OSWALD address book, disguised as two Russian words.

BERNARDO DE TORRES

BERNARDO G. De TORRES ALVAREZ (born March 26, 1934, Havana Province, Cuba) told the CIA that he entered the United States in January 1955 and began to play professional baseball. He gave up studies in Civil Engineering (he began his career in 1943) and he obtained work at the Ford Motor Company. He told the FBI that he completed his high school education in Havana, Cuba, and had not attended school in the United States.

A CIA Office of Security memorandum on OSWALD'S address book noted that he recorded on page 13:

Ed Toraz or Editorial Director

P.O. Box 2119

U P O

New York, N.Y.

Account No. 38210

The CIA Office of Security reported: "Office of Security files contain no information identifiable with the above. It was noted that CIA Cable IN 68452 (deleted) dated November 26, 1963, relating to the OSWALD matter, contains information regarding one E. Torres (probably Edelberto Torres of Mexico City.) Torres is also mentioned in Cable IN 68376 from Mexico City dated November 26, 1963. Other than the phonetic similarity, there is no reason to relate Torres with the item in the address book." [CIA 646-277] The CIA transcribed "Editor/Director" as "Ed Toraz," however, a closer examination shows the entry read ED I Toraz. Get rid of the E and it read DI TORAZ, or reverse the ED to DE as in BERNARDO De TORRES. A check with the postal authorities indicated "that Ed Toraz is unknown at Post Office Box 2119 (G.P.O.) Present Box holder - Vantage Press 130 W. 37th Street, New York City, has had this box since 1960." [Ltr. to A.J.W. dated 11.30.76 from John Strachan] Vantage Press was a vanity publishing house. The CIA had subsidized many anti-Communist books during the 1950's and 1960's, and someone may have set up an account for OSWALD with Vantage, although the account number was written in a different ink. [CIA 646-277] The SSCIA reported that HOWARD HUNT was in charge of contacts with U.S. publishers in the late 1960's. [SSCIA For. & Mil. Intell. V1 p198] No investigation of this account was ever conducted by the CIA.

CARLOS BRINGUIER

CARLOS BRINGUIER was born in 1934 in Havana, Cuba. His father was a Criminal Court Judge from 1939 to 1959. In 1954 he worked as an assistant secretary in the Criminal Court of Havana. BRINGUIER: "Under Fulgencio Batista, the criminal system was working very well. You can say that not a single innocent people were sent to jail. After Castro, it deteriorated. Many, many, many, violations. I thought I was at the will of a small group, a minority of Communists who were trying to destroy the island." BRINGUIER was in Argentina when Fidel Castro took power. He engaged in anti-Castro activity there. When BRINGUIER returned to Cuba he resumed his duties as a Criminal Court official and secretary in Havana.

BRINGUIER was a delegate of the Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil (DRE). The DRE began as an anti-Batista organization at the University of Havana, and established a force in the Escambray Mountains of Cuba. The DRE took over the presidential palace for Fidel Castro in January 1959, but was not given a significant share in the post-revolutionary government. The DRE took up arms against Fidel Castro.

JOHN MARTINO

JOHN VINCENT MARTINO, a relative of Philadelphia mob boss Angelo Bruno, was born in Atlantic City, New Jersey, in 1911. His first arrest was at age 20, for illegal gambling activities. In 1935 he moved to Miami, where he was arrested for running a lottery. He returned to Atlantic City, and became involved in the publication of a racing sheet put out by gangsters and racketeers. He was convicted of loan sharking in 1945. He returned to Miami and worked for SANTO TRAFFICANTE Sr. for which he came under scrutiny by the Internal Revenue Service. MARTINO moved to Cuba where he became close to Estaban Ventura, the second highest in command in Fulgencio Batista's secret police. Estaban Ventura, who was responsible for numerous Latin American death squad-style killings in pre-Castro Cuba, was indicted by the thoroughly corrupt Batista regime, but his case never came to trial because the judge who indicted him went into hiding. [DuBois Castro p269] MARTINO knew Estaban Ventura's associate, Rolando Masferrer, and was engaged in a smuggling venture through a Cuban port located 20 miles from Havana.

CARLOS MARCELLO

CARLOS MARCELLO (Calogero Minaeure) was born on February 6, 1910, at Tunis, Africa, of Sicilian parentage. He died on March 3, 1993. He entered New Orleans in 1910 before his first birthday. The father of CARLOS MARCELLO opened a dry goods store and prospered until he killed an alleged burglar. The Minaeures fled and started over in another part of the city under the name of MARCELLO. On May 28, 1930, CARLOS MARCELLO was arrested for assault and robbery. He was sentenced to serve nine to 14 years in Louisiana State Prison. While he was in prison CARLOS MARCELLO'S family developed close ties with the New Orleans mafia headed by Sam "Silver Dollar" Corolla and his capo, Frank Todaro. As a result, CARLOS MARCELLO was paroled in 1935, and on July 25, 1935, he was granted a pardon by Louisiana Governor O.K. Allen. O.K. Allen was controlled by Senator Huey Long, who met with Meyer Lansky and New York City crime boss Frank Costello on a frequent basis at this time. Although CARLOS MARCELLO served nearly five years in prison neither his crime nor his incarcerations appeared on CARLOS MARCELLO'S record. That year MARCELLO started a friendship with the Gretna, Louisiana, Town Marshal. In 1938 CARLOS MARCELLO served a year in jail for possession of 23 pounds of marijuana. Upon his release, CARLOS MARCELLO married the daughter of Frank Todaro and became a part of "the family" that serviced slot machines for the syndicate. During World War II CARLOS MARCELLO was involved in black marketeering and was also a principal suspect in several gangland slayings. The rise of CARLOS MARCELLO from soldier to capo came in 1947 when Frank Costello, Meyer Lansky and Frank Carolla appointed CARLOS MARCELLO overseer of their gambling interests. CARLOS MARCELLO had at least 5,000 slot machines in operation. CARLOS MARCELLO got the Sheriff of Jefferson Parish to allow him to open the Beverly Club, a plush casino and nightclub. The Beverly Club netted $600,000 per year. In 1949 he went into business with Meyer Lansky and Frank Costello. The Justice Department attempted to deport CARLOS MARCELLO in December 1952. The Department of Justice became aware that MARCELLO'S birth records in Guatemala had been forged. MARCELLO had been afraid of being deported to far-off Italy, so in order to "prove" that he was not Italian, MARCELLO had a henchman go to Guatemala and enter his name in a church registry book in antique ink. Based on this entry, the Guatemalan Government was bribed into issuing a birth certificate for him.

DEPORTATION

On December 27, 1960, the United States Attorney General Designate, Robert F. Kennedy, announced he had selected two priority candidates in his war on organized crime: James Hoffa and CARLOS MARCELLO. On April 4, 1961, CARLOS MARCELLO was virtually kidnapped by two Immigration and Naturalization Service agents, placed in a car and put aboard a U.S. Border Patrol aircraft. CARLOS MARCELLO was being deported to his "native" Guatemala. CARLOS MARCELLO was entertained by President Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes. But the deportation was short-lived. Public outcry coupled with left-wing unrest forced his cronies in the Guatemalan Government to order him deported to El Salvador. On the night of May 3, 1961, CARLOS MARCELLO was transported to the El Salvador border. The Salvadorians deposited CARLOS MARCELLO, accompanied by one of his attorneys, Mike Maroun, in the wilderness of Honduras. After CARLOS MARCELLO returned from Central America he was arrested and forced to spend several days in a Federal Detention Center before he was released on bond. The United States was faced with the problem that no country wanted CARLOS MARCELLO. After the illegal entry charges were dismissed, CARLOS MARCELLO was indicted for conspiracy to commit fraud by having obtained the fake birth certificate. Despite the damaging testimony of one of CARLOS MARCELLO'S men, who went to Guatemala on his behalf, it only took a New Orleans jury an hour of deliberation before they found MARCELLO not guilty. [Testimony of Aaron M. Kohn - Congressional Record 8.6.70 E7385; The Mob - Life 9.67; New Orleans - Cosa Nostra's Wall Street - Bill Davidson Sat. Evening Post; Wall St. Journal ; FBI 62-109060-6193 11.22.63; David Leon Chandler, Brothers in Blood, E.P. Dutton - NY-1975 - pgs.173-194; HSCA - V9 p69, Report pl69]

EUGENE DELA PARRA

On November 28, 1963, Eugene R. Dela Parra, a horse trainer for VINCENT MARCELLO (one of CARLOS MARCELLO'S brothers) employed part-time at Benny Traegel's Bar, told the FBI in both New Orleans and Philadelphia that:"In March 1963 I was in Benny Traegel's Bar, a horse book on Airline Highway, in New Orleans. Benny Traegel, Norman La Blanc and a bookie called 'The Professor' were looking at an ad in a detective magazine about a foreign-made rifle which sold for $12.98. I heard Traegal remark: 'This would be a nice rifle to buy to get the President. There is a price on the son-of-a-bitch's head. Somebody will kill that nigger-lover when he comes down South!' This guy, Benny Traegel, he's a close friend of VINNIE MARCELLO, MARCELLO owns his book - VINCENT MARCELLO, the racketeer."Eugene Dela Parra also said that VINCENT MARCELLO owned a nightclub in Dallas (the Egyptian Lounge) and flew there by private plane on many occasions.

Eugene Dela Parra claimed he reported this incident to Special Agent Reed Jensen in March 1963, when he was in contact with the FBI regarding "Area Gambling Activities." The Bureau noted that while Eugene Dela Parra was in New Orleans, he "was in contact with S.A.s Reed Jensen, Brogan, and Prosperity regarding area gambling activities. Eugene Dela Parra had provided reliable information in the past..." No action was taken to investigate this threat on the President of the United States; nor was the Secret Service alerted.

S.A. Reed Jensen interviewed Norman LeBlanc on November 29, 1963, in New Orleans: "He was advised of the Agent's identity, that he was not required to submit to the interview, and that anything he might say could be used against him in a court of law, and that he could first consult an attorney. No threats, rewards, promises or other inducements were made to Traegel in connection with this interview." Norman LeBlanc told S.A. Reed Jensen the incident described by Eugene Dela Parra never occurred and that "when we heard the news on November 22, at Traegal's book, we were all upset." Benny Traegel assured S.A. Jensen " that although he did not like President Kennedy as a President, he has never been associated with any organization of a political nature that had as a specific purpose 'fighting' the Civil Rights Program of the current Administration. He stated he would never stoop to violence of any kind against anyone, and he has never been associated with anyone to his knowledge who advocates violence to promote their aims and purposes. He says he considers himself a patriotic American and he is appalled at anyone who would kill a United States Government official, particularly a United States President." On November 30, 1963, S.A. Reed Jensen closed the Eugene Dela Parra file because: "The records of the New Orleans Office contain no information that Traegel, Le Blanc or a VINCENT JOSEPH MARCELLO have been involved in any hate group activity."

Eugene Dela Parra came forward with more information on February 23, 1967. He told the FBI that around "June 1963, he was working for Benny Traegel, at Benny Traegel's Bar in New Orleans. On or about June 22, 1963, TONY MARCELLO came into the premises to service the pinball machine. Eugene Dela Parra advised that TONY MARCELLO is the brother of VINCENT MARCELLO, who owns motels in New Orleans. VINCENT MARCELLO had another brother who is a part time gambler in New Orleans [CARLOS MARCELLO]. MARCELLO stated to Benny Traegel that the word is out to get the Kennedy family." Eugene Dela Parra added that Benny Traegel "knew LEE HARVEY OSWALD very well."

ANALYSIS

The FBI dismissed the charges of Eugene Dela Para as the delusions of an ex-Marine who "suffered nervous breakdown during World II [sic] and is currently receiving 70% disability." What was omitted by the FBI was that Eugene Dela Parra "explained he was now well. The interviewing agent described Eugene Dela Parra as generally rational during the interview. During the conversation many minor points were asked of Dela Parra and in each instance he replied in the same way he originally stated." [FBI 62-109060-725; FBI LHM Newark, NJ 2.27.67; 62-109060-4536, 569, 4134; DL100-10481 Cover page; 105-82555-981; DL 89-43 JTK; mvs pp288-293; LHM Phil., PA 11.29.63] The FBI: "Further, investigation of this matter at New Orleans as of November 30, 1963, had developed no information that the three aforementioned individuals have ever been associated with LEE HARVEY OSWALD..." Eugene Dela Parra embellished his story by making Benny Traegel an associate of OSWALD, however, other FBI informants around the MARCELLO family reported hearing similar remarks.

EDWIN BECKER

Edwin Becker (born 1922 California) was a licensed private investigator from Los Angeles. His early years of employment included publicity work for several San Francisco nightclubs and subsequently writing a column for two California newspapers. In 1955 Edwin Becker became a public relations man for the Riviera Hotel and Casino in Las Vegas, working closely with Gus Greenbaum, the manager of the Riviera and well known gambling figure who was the victim of a much publicized underworld killing in 1957. In 1959 Edwin Becker became involved with two men who were "running a con deal involving Laundromats and stolen credit cards." One of these men was an associate of Los Angeles mob boss Joe Sica. During the early 1960's, Edwin Becker did investigative work in Los Angeles for Julian Blodgett, a former FBI agent and former chief investigator for the District Attorney of Los Angeles County. The FBI reported that on November 5, 1962, Julian Blodgett advised that he had ascertained that Edwin Becker was unreliable and had been lying to him and discontinued his services. "As the Bureau is aware, information was received from (deleted) in November, 1962, that Becker claimed FBI connections..." According to Edwin Becker, in September 1963, he was hired by an oil service company that had been swindled by Billie Sol Estes. An FBI report on the Billie Sol Estes case noted that on September 18, 1962, Edwin Becker met with another private investigator in Brownswood, Texas. On September 21, 1962, both men traveled to Shreveport, Louisiana. There Edwin Becker met with Carlo Roppolo, an oil geologist. The New Orleans Crime Commission identified the mother of Carlo Roppolo, Lillian Roppolo, as an associate of CARLOS MARCELLO. Aaron Kohn noted the reported relationship between the two families and stated that Lillian Roppolo "was considered to be some thing of a courier for CARLOS MARCELLO." Another New Orleans Crime Commission report indicated Lillian Roppolo may have been one of CARLOS MARCELLO'S mistresses. During his appearance before the HSCA CARLOS MARCELLO admitted knowing the Roppolos. Carlo Roppolo set up a meeting between Edwin Becker and CARLOS MARCELLO. Edwin Becker told the HSCA that he had met with CARLOS MARCELLO allegedly to seek his financial backing for an oil additive product. Carlo Roppolo, Edwin Becker and CARLOS MARCELLO met four times during the next four months.

At their second meeting on September 11, 1962, in a farmhouse at Churchill Farms, the 3,000 acre plantation owned by CARLOS MARCELLO, Edwin Becker said the subject of the Kennedy Administration was discussed. Edwin Becker told the HSCA that CARLOS MARCELLO was very angry and had "clearly stated that he was going to arrange to have President Kennedy murdered in some way [and] that his own lieutenants could not be in on the actual hit."

When the name of Robert F. Kennedy came up, CARLOS MARCELLO said: "Take the stone out of my shoe! Don't worry about that little Bobby son of a bitch!" he shouted, "He is going to be taken care of." Later in the conversation CARLOS MARCELLO said that to rid himself of Robert F. Kennedy he would first have to remove the President. Any killer of the Attorney General would be hunted down by his brother; the death of the President would seal the fate of his Attorney General. CARLOS MARCELLO made a reference to President John Kennedy's being "a dog" and United States Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy "the dog's tail" and had said that "the dog will keep biting you, if you only cut off his tail." Edwin Becker stated that CARLOS MARCELLO theorized out loud that "in order to get Bobby Kennedy they would have to get the President, as they could not kill Bobby because the President would use the Army and Marines to get them."

Edwin Becker told author Ed Reid about this incident in 1967; Ed Reid called the FBI to confirm the story. The Bureau admitted that two of its agents, James E. Ethridge and Lanford L. Blanton, had talked with Edwin Becker, but in November 1962, not September 1963. In early May 1967, senior officials of the FBI learned of Edwin Becker's account of the meeting and of CARLOS MARCELLO'S alleged threat. J. Edgar Hoover stated that because Edwin Becker said the meeting took place in September 1963 and the records of the Los Angeles FBI Office indicated the meeting took place in September 1962, Edwin Becker was "unreliable." Perhaps Edwin Becker was attempting to make his information more important by lying about the date of the incident? Edwin Becker told Ed Reid that he had given the information about the threat to the FBI, as any good citizen would have, in November 1963. When Ed Reid was questioned at his home by FBI agents on May 31, 1967, the agents reported that Ed Reid had told them that Edwin Becker told him the meeting occurred in September 1963. Edwin Becker consistently maintained that the meeting was in September 1963 rather then September 1962. Julian Blodgett told the HSCA that he vaguely remembered Edwin Becker having met with CARLOS MARCELLO in 1962.

The FBI checked its records of this interview and discovered no reference to a threat against President John F. Kennedy in its reports dated November 1962. However, the FBI found that one of its reports dated November 26, 1962, contained the following information about CARLOS MARCELLO: "He (Becker) advised that on two occasions he has accompanied Roppolo to New Orleans, where they met with one CARLOS MARCELLO." The FBI claimed that this was the only reference to CARLOS MARCELLO in any of the reports of Edwin Becker.

REGIS KENNEDY

A report by S.A. Regis Kennedy of the New Orleans Office of the FBI concluded that the meeting may very well have taken place since Carlo Roppolo did, in all likelihood, know CARLOS MARCELLO. The document stated that Carlo Roppolo was regarded as "rather shiftless...a problem person" who had little credibility with MARCELLO. The FBI released a document about the interview with Edwin Becker signed by Regis L. Kennedy: "The Los Angeles Office, by airtels dated November 20, 1962, November 21, 1962, and November 26, 1962, in the BILSOL NBA investigation, reported information (deleted). An individual named Edwin Nicholas Becker, a licensed private investigator (deleted), Carlo Roppolo, age 27, a graduate geologist of Louisiana State University, residence (deleted). The meeting was to promote (deleted). Roppolo alleged several days later that his mother is CARLOS MARCELLO's sister." [FBI NO 92-36 RLK/(deleted)]

Regis Kennedy claimed that during this interview about the Billie Sol Estes affair, the name of CARLOS MARCELLO was mentioned, but not about a possible Presidential assassination. Regis Kennedy (born October 9, 1908; died July 1978) was the FBI Agent in charge of CARLOS MARCELLO's case from 1957 to 1964, a period when CARLOS MARCELLO enjoyed immunity from Federal prosecution. One of the only complaints lodged against CARLOS MARCELLO during this period of time came from a private individual, who filed a complaint that alleged that CARLOS MARCELLO and Joe Poretto had allowed prostitution to flourish at the Town and Country Motel. Apparently he did this because he had been thrown out of another MARCELLO establishment. [FBI 92-2713-61, 132; NO 92-36 p12; NO Times-Picayune 3.17.61] The contents of Regis Kennedy's reports on MARCELLO were withheld. [FBI 92-2713-348 pB-D]

The FBI found out the name of Ed Reid's publisher and tried to convince him to delete the information from Ed Reid's book. The Bureau stated Ed Reid was an "irresponsible newspaperman guilty of dishonest reporting," and began to closely monitor his work. [FBI 62-109060-5589]

In the Fall of 1963, CARLOS MARCELLO was worth $40 million. [FBI 100-378, 541, 3.28.56; FBI 100-378591-3,5; FBI 109-601-8; FBI 100-378541-10 thru 16; FBI NR 7.31.63 pgs. 17-18, 11.10.64 pgs. 20-21, 5.3.63 pgs. 23-24, 7.14.66, 8.26.65, 10.15.65 pgs. 25-29, 3.13.67 p51; FBI 62-109060-1st NR 5314]

GENE SUMNER

After the assassination of John F. Kennedy, OSWALD was erroneously reported to have received money directly from the MARCELLO crime family on April 22, 1963. Gene Sumner, (born June 24, 1898; died August 7, 1989), a Darien, Georgia, businessman, told his brother-in-law, Police Lieutenant Johnny Harris of the Midcounty (phonetic) Police Department, that around April 14, 1963, he left Darien, Georgia, and traveled to New Orleans, Louisiana with business acquaintance Ernest Insalmo. In New Orleans, Ernest Insalmo met with some of his associates in the mafia-controlled construction and seafood business (Paul and Salvadore Pizza and Benny Capeana); he then took Gene Sumner to the MARCELLO-owned Town and Country Restaurant, a known hangout for the hoodlum element. Gene Sumner was introduced to the owner of the restaurant, Joseph Albert Poretto, and given a table in the main dining room, where there were only two other couples. Joseph Albert Poretto (born March 21, 1906; died April 1983) was incarcerated in 1951 for refusing to testify before the Kefauver Senate Committee studying organized crime. CARLOS MARCELLO was tried for that same offense. [FBI 62-9-33-411, 73-10184-11, 92-8100-1 1.15.65 - serials 2 and 3 w/h, arrest rec. #1799932] Gene Sumner claimed he then observed a young couple enter the dining room, and sit at a table about two tables away from his. He claimed he observed Joseph Albert Poretto remove a wad of bills from his pocket and pass the money under the table to the man who just entered. A few minutes later, the couple left without ordering any food or drinks. On December 2, 1963, the FBI showed Gene Sumner pictures of OSWALD; he believed OSWALD was the same man he had seen in the Town and Country Restaurant. He described the woman who accompanied OSWALD as a blonde, white, female, 22 to 26 years of age, flashy dresser. FBI S.A. Reed W. Jensen interviewed Joseph Albert Poretto at the Town and Country Restaurant. Joseph Albert Poretto claimed he did not know OSWALD before the assassination of President John F. Kennedy and had never had any dealings with anyone who even slightly resembled OSWALD enough for a mistaken identity. S.A. Reed Jensen then questioned the brother of CARLOS MARCELLO, ANTHONY MARCELLO, the manager of the Town and Country Motel. ANTHONY MARCELLO told S.A. Reed Jensen the same thing Joseph Albert Poretto told him, and allowed him to examine the registration book of the motel. [FBI NO-44-2064 11.27.63, 44-24016-531; WCD 4 p811] The HSCA never questioned Gene Sumner and little background material is available on him. Johnny Harris was contacted in December 1993. He refused comment.

ANALYSIS

HEMMING did not believe this incident occurred. Neither does this researcher. Passing a wad of bills, in a public place, to a potential presidential assassin is farfetched. Secondly, the FBI had the mob under surveillance and had numerous informants within its ranks. The FBI reported: "NO 1238-PC who is a known associate of JOSEPH and CARLOS MARCELLO, as well as Joseph Poretto and who has been a manager of the Town and Country Restaurant up until October 1963, advised S.A. Reed Jensen on November 27, 1963 that he had never heard or OSWALD or RUBY prior to the Kennedy assassination." [FBI 44-1639-496] If OSWALD popped up in this context, the FBI could not have reconciled it with his background as a defector and Fair Play for Cuba Committee leader. Gene Sumner had a falling out with the mob. He believed his brother-in-law would make sure his identity was kept secret.

SANTO TRAFFICANTE Jr.

SANTO TRAFFICANTE Sr. managed the rackets in South Florida in the late 1940's and early 1950's, while his son, SANTO TRAFFICANTE Jr.(born November 15, 1914; died March 1987) took over the mob's concessions in Havana. TRAFFICANTE Jr.'s position was manager of the Sans Souci Casino when he was in charge of receiving the syndicate bulk shipments of heroin from Europe. In September 1962 TRAFFICANTE told wealthy Cuban exile Jose M. Alemán "Mark my words, Kennedy will get what is coming to him. He is going to be hit."

The FBI: "Jose M. Alemán's father, Jose M. Alemán, Education Minister during the Grau Administration, misappropriated close to 60 million pesos from the public treasury, which he invested or deposited in Miami. After the death of his father, Subject inherited his father's fortune, as well as his political machinery and shrewdness." Jose Alemán had supplied Fidel Castro with arms in the late 1950's. Soon after Fidel Castro assumed control of Cuba, he ordered the confiscation of Jose Alemán's 50,000 acre estate. When Jose Alemán arrived from Havana in December 1960, he brought with him a list of war material allegedly purchased by Fidel Castro from the Soviets. Jose Alemán was the owner of Miami Stadium. Gaeton Fonzi doubted TRAFFICANTE made this statement in front of Jose Alemán, because Jose Alemán was not trusted by the mob. When Jose Alemán testified before the HSCA he said TRAFFICANTE meant President John F. Kennedy would be hit with votes.

Mr. Cornwall: How did you meet SANTO TRAFFICANTE?

Mr. Aleman: Mr. George Nobregas came to me after we had some other conversations with some other individuals and there were American businessmen, and those American businessmen had lost a lot of property in Cuba, then he came to me and he said SANTOS wants to meet you. I some way refused because I had to testify against SANTOS' people in 1960.

Mr. Cornwell: Who were those associates?

Mr. Aleman: Sammy Mannarino and Norman Rothman.

Mr. Cornwell: Do you have any knowledge of how it was that Nobregas came to know SANTO TRAFFICANTE prior to that time?

Mr. Aleman: The possibility that while we were smuggling arms in the 1950's they had all the connections with other mafia people and they came about to maybe he was connected with them.

Mr. Cornwell: And roughly during what period of time did the meetings take place?

Mr. Aleman: July, June around that time.

Mr. Cornwell: What was your objective in attending the meeting with TRAFFICANTE?

Mr. Aleman: Well, Mr. Nobregas came to me and said that J.J. Vica, Director of Public Relations in the city of Miami, wanted to see me because he had a message from President Bosch of the Dominican Republic and President Bosch was a man that was very grateful to my father and that he wanted to talk to me about bringing to the Dominican Republic a lot of businessmen and whoever wanted to invest there...one of the possible individuals that was interested in going was SANTOS TRAFFICANTE...He talked to me about, in favor of the contracts in Dominican Republic, that I had a project, condominium project, and he wanted to facilitate the means for a loan with the Teamsters Union...One of the things he said Hoffa could not secure the loan so far because he had a lot of troubles with the brothers Kennedy...Well, he was very much upset. He said that the way the President was getting on Hoffa, a man of the workers, blue collar, and a man that was a very hard working individual and that at the same time he was very much upset, I mean he thought for a long period of time. At one point he said: 'You see, this man, he is not going to be re-elected, there is no doubt about it, he has been the man that has been giving everybody a lot of troubles and he is not going to be re-elected...he is going to be hit'.

Cuban intelligence reported: "Aléman facilitated or was involved in recruiting Cubela." [Z-R Rifle Cuba Vision Network 11.27.93] Rolando Cubela knew Jose Aléman. In 1994 Cubela stated: "Pepe Aléman, the son of the education minister in the first Authentico Government, is my friend." Rolando Cubela was recruited by the CIA to assassinate Fidel Castro. The FBI discovered the name "Jose Alemán, 575 NW 6th St., Miami, Florida," in the course of its Watergate investigation. [FBI 139-4011-1013(?) WFO 139-166 9.22.72] George Crile reported that Watergate burglar Eugenio Martinez was close to Jose Alemán. Jose Alemán was killed by Miami Police in August 1983, after he shot four of his relatives. [Gaeton Fonzi, Last Invest. p256]

TRAFFICANTE'S attorney, Frank Ragano, told the FBI that in early April 1967: "While driving through New Orleans in CARLOS MARCELLO's car, CARLOS MARCELLO was driving and SANTOS TRAFFICANTE was seated in the front seat, I heard SANTOS remark to MARCELLO, 'CARLOS the next thing you know they will be blaming the President's assassination on us.'" [FBI 62-109060-5099]

END OF NODULE.

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