Batista henchman Rolando Masferrer fled to Miami with a yacht full of money in January 1959. Cuba demanded the extradition of Masferrer as a war criminal but C. Douglas Dillon, the Under Secretary of State during the Eisenhower Administration, refused to extradite Rolando Masferrer. A notation on Masferrer's FBI arrest record read: "Contributor of Prints: USINS, Miami, Florida, March 30, 1959, EXCLUDED from admission to the United States."

In January 1959, 59 of Rolando Masferrer's Tigres were executed on San Juan Hill in Santiago de Cuba. As stated, STURGIS supervised these executions.

In March 1959 four of Rolando Masferrer's men were arrested in Havana for plotting to assassinate Fidel Castro. [Wash. Post 3.27.59]

In April 1959 the FBI was informed that Fidel Castro had hired Jack Youngblood, an American mercenary who had helped Castillo Armas escape from a Guatemalan prison, to kidnap Rolando Masferrer and return him to Cuba. The plan failed.

On May 8, 1959, the FBI identified Orlando Piedra as a supporter of Rolando Masferrer. [FBI 100-344127 NR 5.13.59] An FBI informant said that Orlando Piedra is not giving money to the anti-Fidel Castro groups in Miami and he is working with Rolando Masferrer. Orlando Eleno Piedra Neguerela (born June 1, 1919; died February 1980, 201-247879) had been Chief of the Investigations Bureau of the Cuban National Police until January 1, 1959. Orlando Piedra worked closely with the crime syndicate and the CIA. He had monitored the activities of Fidel Castro when Fidel Castro trained anti-Batista troops in Mexico. Orlando Piedra was involved in the kidnapping of Fidel Castro's son, and used a Mexican drug trafficker to kidnap a chief supporter of Fidel Castro in Mexico.

The FBI reported: "Orlando Piedra enjoys the distinction of being considered by the Castro regime as one of the principal war criminals in the United States." The CIA: "AMOT Report DD 1836 of April 20, 1966 states Orlando Piedra...is one of the main organizers and exponents of political propaganda in favor of Batista; close to him and enjoying his trust. AMOT report CC 82 dated April 12, 1963 describes Subject as friend of Vincente Gonzalez Miranda, old militant commie."

In August 1959 the Bureau received information about an anti-Castro uprising sponsored by Rolando Masferrer. Most of this telex was withheld. [FBI 100-344127 NR 5.13.59, 26; FBI 109-584-305]

In November 1959 the FBI received word that Rolando Masferrer was planning to drop phosphorus on Cuban sugar cane fields. [FBI 100-344127-32]

In January 1960 William Pawley, a former United States Ambassador, advised the CIA that he had been contacted by Arthur Patton, a Commissioner from Dade County, Miami, Florida. Patton stated that "one of his police officers had been offered $200,000 to kidnap Rolando Masferrer. Police officer went to Patton for advise. Patton turned to Pawley who consulted CIA. (Deleted) Sutel specific facts and action taken." [FBI 105-84265-34, 36 p 1 page 2 w/h]

On January 27, 1960, a highly deleted FBI teletype stated that Estaban Ventura and Julio Laurent were also the intended victims of this plot. [FBI 105-344127] After the arrest of two Castro agents on attempted kidnapping charges, J. Edgar Hoover sent a letter to then-Vice President RICHARD NIXON about the affair. [Castro agent Juan Fernandez De Castro Rodriguez FBI 105-84265-36]

In March 1960 the Immigration and Naturalization Service ordered seven Cuban exile leaders to leave Miami. Among them was Rolando Masferrer and Estaban Ventura Novo. [FBI 100-344127 - NR 3.15.60]

On October 3, 1960, Rolando Masferrer landed 27 men in Cuba. These men included Bobby Fuller, Tony Zarba and Paul Hughes. [FBI 2-1622-38, Cover Page 6, Hughes FBI File No. 105-3138] Only three of the men were captured; the others escaped.

On November 9, 1960, Rolando Masferrer informed the FBI that it was "common knowledge that the Cuban Revolutionary Front [an anti-Castro exile group under the supervision of E. HOWARD HUNT] was engaged in recruiting activities in the United States and in some Latin American countries (deleted). He claims Varona helped Castro in allowing Russians and Chinese to enter Cuba and is egotistical to such an extent he is waging a private war against Cuban exiles. Masferrer expressed a desire to join the Cuban Revolutionary Front although Varona was head of that organization. He stated he would cease all operations in his anti-Castro movement if he was so directed by the United States Government. He indicated that without being specific that the Cuban Revolutionary Front receives aid from United States officials in some American Embassies as well as in the United States. (Deleted)." Secretary of State Christian Herter received a report on this interview. [FBI 2-1622-45, 46]

The Miami Herald reported in December 1960 that Rolando Masferrer had composed an army of 23 Americans and nearly 200 Cubans who were allegedly poised to invade Cuba. Rolando Masferrer's men were training at a base at No Name Key, Florida. The FBI reported: "Masferrer planned to use as staging area prior to moving men to island or country other than the U.S. prior to invasion of Cuba to avoid violation of U.S. laws. Reference is also made to Miami report of S.A. James D. Hayes, dated December 15, last, in this case, which among other things mentions arrest of vagrancy by Miami Police Department of 13 Masferrer supporters, including Kenneth Joseph Proctor, Alvin Carl Wentz, Nick John Neri, Welburn Vernon Gee, and Larry Lee Bice, Jr. It is noted therein Proctor stated this group intended leaving the U.S. unarmed, and proceed to an island located in international waters, where they would be armed before proceeding to invade Cuba." [FBI 2-1622-60; FBI 2-1622 NR 128 NR 12.19.60 w/h; 2-1622-1st NR serial after serial 51 (LHM) Enc.]

On December 30, 1960, "(Deleted) Bureau of Un-American Affairs, Department of State, contacted an FBI Liaison Agent making reference to our letter of November 30, 1960, and requested FBI assistance in stopping Masferrer. (Deleted) stated that recent newspaper publicity on Masferrer presented a good opening wedge for an FBI Agent to call on Masferrer and take him up on his offer to cease operations. (Deleted) was advised that we had no legal basis under which the FBI could intrude itself into the situation, and if we attempted to do so, it would put the FBI into the role of a messenger for the State Department and involve us in a matter which is not our affair. On the memorandum prepared on the above contact by (Deleted) on December 30, 1960, the Director made reference to our letter of November 30, 1960, and noted: 'Note: State didn't get around to considering it for one month.'" [Memo to Belmont FBI 2-1622-72]

On January 5, 1961, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover was under pressure to indict Rolando Masferrer from the Department of Justice, which was headed by Robert F. Kennedy, yet he wrote that "Assistant Attorney General J. Walter Yeagley of the Internal Security Division of the Department of Justice called and stated he thought he ought to bring me up to date on the Masferrer case (Neutrality Matters). Mr. Yeagley stated that the Bureau had investigated and submitted a detailed report on the case last Friday and his Division thinks they have a case, not a real open and shut case, but as far as the facts and laws are concerned, it looks like enough to go before a Grand Jury. Mr. Yeagley stated this is delicate in view of the break in diplomatic relations with Cuba, because if we start a Grand Jury, people are going to ask which side are we on, Fidel Castro's or the United States. Mr. Yeagley continued that as late as last Friday, he believed it was, he had a call from the State Department to see what we were doing, whether going ahead or not, and he, Mr. Yeagley, thought when he called the State Department back, as he intended, to get confirmation that they ought to go ahead despite the break in relations, he thought he ought to mention it to me because from the Justice Department's standpoint, they would normally proceed, but when they go to Miami, Justice is going to have the public relations problem. (Deleted) I stated the if he, Mr. Yeagley, has been following the news releases, there was quite a number of Senators and Congressmen who have been loud in their commendation of what the Administration has done in breaking relations with Cuba and indicated it should have been done long ago...(Deleted) I stated however, that the State Department is not going to take the blame, nor is the CIA, and it would be up to the Justice Department. (Deleted) Mr. Yeagley stated that might be what is behind and mentioned the Senate Committee is going to start an investigation next week of this fellow (Deleted). I stated George Sokolsky had come out with a column and Senator Eastland's Committee was going to hold public hearings on him as they think they have an Alger Hiss case. I stated that pressure to go against Masferrer may emanate from elements like this in State. (Deleted) Yeagley stated he has not been told but has inferred that (Deleted). Mr. Yeagley stated they have a case where they would normally go ahead and indict with one count and maybe more, and he can't say don't do it, but the State Department can. (Deleted) Mr. Yeagley stated that was excellent and he thought that is exactly the kind of help he needed and would let me know the outcome. He stated we had gone ahead with the investigation and we are holding the bag and we out to make the proper disposition. (Deleted) Mr. Yeagley stated he appreciated my help and would let me know the outcome." [FBI Memo Hoover to Tolson, Mohr, Parsons, Belmont and DeLoach 1.5.61 (deleted) 1622-65]

In late January 1961, when the FBI was made aware of an anti-Castro sea-borne strike backed by Rolando Masferrer, the Miami FBI telexed Headquarters that "(Deleted) Miami Office notified U.S. Customs and U.S Border Patrol. U.S. Customs said if boat had no arms aboard, it will allow expedition to leave. Unless Department of Justice authorized prosecution for conspiracy to violate Neutrality Act, Miami Office will take no action to stop this expedition." [Teletype to Dir. Fr. SAC Miami 1.25.61; JEH Memo for Tolson 1.5.61]

On February 4, 1961, Kenneth O'Donnell, Special Assistant to President John F. Kennedy telephoned the FBI and advised that "an individual whom he did not identify had just been in to see the President this morning and had discussed with the President the activities of a reported Cuban right-wing refugee now in Miami. Kenneth O'Donnell said that the name he got from the President for this Cuban was either 'Ferri' or 'Ferre' and his first name was 'Mas.' The President asked O'Donnell if he could identify this Cuban for him and find out something about him. O'Donnell wondered if we could be of any assistance, saying that this wasn't much to go on and the only additional information we had was that this Cuban may have been organizing troops." The FBI identified the Cuban as Rolando Masferrer. "Kenneth O'Donnell was called back and informed the individual to whom he referred was undoubtedly Masferrer. He was furnished briefly information as to his background and activities. It was specifically pointed out to O'Donnell that full details had been forwarded to the Justice Department, which at present time had a question of prosecution under consideration. O'Donnell was informed that we would be happy to send a letter to him furnishing him information relative to Masferrer. O'Donnell said this wasn't at all necessary as he had enough information to identify Masferrer for the President. O'Donnell was most appreciate and said nothing further need be done." J. Edgar Hoover underlined the words "an individual whom he did not identify." He then wrote: "I don't understand how such a character gets in to see the President. H." [FBI 2-1622-78]

On April 10, 1961, the Justice Department had the Immigration and Naturalization Service revoke Rolando Masferrer's parole as a warning to the Cuban exile community that he had no intention of restoring the Batista dictatorship in Cuba: "Acting District Director, Joseph Minton, INS, Miami, advised Masferrer served with written notice his parole has been revoked and Masferrer taken into detention. However, Masferrer, due to ill health (heart trouble) is under guard at Jackson Memorial Hospital, Miami, under care of Department of Public Health." [FBI 2-1622-92,94]

Rolando Masferrer was subsequently indicted for violations of the Neutrality Act. Secretary of State Dean Rusk wrote a letter to the United States Attorney General which stated in part: "The continued presence at large of Rolando Masferrer in the United States and particularly in the State of Florida is prejudicial to our national interest...revoking this alien's parole, deporting him, or restricting his presence at large, would accordingly advance our foreign policy objectives." The FBI was instructed to handle the Rolando Masferrer arrest "with the utmost secrecy."[FBI 2-1622-961 4.7.61] One of the witnesses against Masferrer, Julio Fernandez Trevejo was put at the disposal of the Justice Department by the CIA. The unindicted co-conspirators were Armentino Feria Perez, aka "El Indio," Julio Fernandez Trevejo, Anselmo Aliegro, Franklin Joseph Williams, Horacio Canizares, Santiago Alverez and one (FNU) Cartaya. [USDC SDF Indictment 12, 105-M] The Kennedy Administration had Justin F. Gleichauf, a CIA representative who was in contact with various law enforcement agencies, contact Judge Emmet Choate and inform him that "Masferrer sponsored anti-Castro activities at this time might be more a liability than an asset to developments in progress. Judge Choate was quite concerned that actions taken against Masferrer might be construed as a 'coddling' of anti-Castro elements, but indicated that he would delay Masferrer's hearing several days, and would give the matter further consideration. The U.S. District Attorney appeared to be quite happy with the developments as he stated that he had been afraid that Judge Choate would release Masferrer on April 17, 1961, the original date of the hearing." [CIA Justin F. Gleichauf to Chief, Contact Division.]

Released on bail, Rolando Masferrer was re-arrested in May 1961. He was charged with having violated the Neutrality Act by making war on Cuba. The charges were dropped five months later. FBI informant FRANK STURGIS became involved in the Rolando Masferrer case. [FBI 2-1622 NR 2.24.61, 107]

STURGIS described how in January 1959, he "came down from the mountains and went to Havana and talked to my old friend, Pedro Diaz Lanz, who became Chief of the [Cuban] Air Force. Now he's Commander Pedro Diaz Lanz and I had him appoint me Security Director and Intelligence Director of the Cuban Air Force. I also recruited a number of people in Havana for intelligence..."

On January 6, 1959 the Director of the CIA received this message from the CIA Station in Havana:

323 DMCL/LSB/LSB/ File 201-242256

TO: Director

FROM: (Deleted)

ACTION: WH 6

INFO: COP, FI, FI/OPS, S/C 2

To Dir. Info. Havana Cite (Deleted) 335

RE: (Deleted) 334 (IN 44099)

OPERATIONAL

(Deleted) will try develop FIORINI.

On January 7, 1959 the Director of the CIA received this message from the CIA Station in Havana:

362/GHS/CG File Number 201-242256

Date: January 6, 1959

To: Director

From: (Deleted)

Action: WH 6

Info: COP, CI, CI/OPS, FI, FI/OPS, S/C 2

PRITY DIR HAVANA CITE (Deleted)337

REF: (Deleted)334 (IN 44099) and 335 (IN 44124).

OPERATIONAL

1. FRANK FIORINI of Norfolk, Virginia claims was chief 26 July arms buyer Miami. Arrested and booked there for rebel activities. Claims has confidence, friendship Fidel Castro and other top commanders. Personal friend Pedro Luis Diaz Lanz chief, rebel air force. Says latter wants to make him unofficial civilian advisor to general staff new army. Claims present position in chief training officer. January 7, 1959 flying to Guantanamo to discuss training plans with Raul Castro who there inspecting area.

2. Subject willing to cooperate 100 percent supplying info. Hesitant however continue on and reveal all for fear loss American citizenship.

3. Known background is Subject made several trips to the Sierras. July 1958 arrested imprisoned SACU by SIM and taken to Havana. Possible he may loose value to rebels but believe worthwhile KUBARK endorse his staying on.

4. Cable priority answer.

C/S Comment: Will try develop FIORINI.

CIA Headquarters replied: "Base should deal with FIORINI under strict Consular cover."

STURGIS was in contact with the Central Intelligence Agency in 1959, just as he told the Rockefeller Commission. The CIA withheld the names of the personnel he was in contact will nor has the CIA released any reports based on information furnished by STURGIS.

On January 7, 1959, an Associated Press article appeared in the Norfolk, Virginia, Ledger Dispatch, a general circulation daily, regarding former Norfolk resident FRANK STURGIS. The article listed STURGIS' wife as Juanita Sturgis, Fairfax Hotel, Norfolk. His parents were listed as divorced Angelo Fiorino and Mary Sturgis, who lived in the same apartment house, Bank Street, Norfolk. Another article in the Ledger Dispatch reflected that STURGIS was a frequent visitor to a clinic where another Norfolk man, Richard Meredith Sanderlin, who had been hospitalized after being wounded fighting for Castro, was recovering. On January 8, 1959 (Deleted) INS, Norfolk, advised that "according to Section 349, Immigration and Nationality Act, Sub Paragraph 3, both STURGIS and SANDERLIN lose their American citizenship automatically, upon recognition of new Cuban Government by United States, which recognition was accomplished on January 7, 1959." [FBI 2-1499-14] On January 13, 1959, STURGIS, the CIA reported, was "under investigation probably registration act violations." [DIR-80002 OUT-61839 1.13.59] The CIA reported on January 14, 1959, "2. Rebels plan recruit 3,000 men to make up for those wishing separation and to fill positions in Army. Source (Deleted). (Deleted) reports separation staging and training camp established old Army firing range, San Juan Hill, Vista Allegro section. FRANK FIORINI in charge. (Deleted) appr 3 informed 4:00 p.m. at this camp. People this area report almost daily arrival new recruits from countryside." [CIA DOO2068] On January 15, 1959, the wire services carried a story that STURGIS, previously believed dead, was in Cuba. Evidence of this was a photograph of STURGIS standing on a mass grave of 59 of Rolando Masferrer's Tigres, machine gun in hand. The photograph gave the impression he had just massacred the Tigres in their stronghold of San Juan, Santiago de Cuba. Double click here to see this photo. [SturgisGrave.JPEG] Another CIA document stated: "Subject claims he is under orders of Raoul Castro and awaiting orders to begin training 1,000 militia members in SACU (Santiago, Cuba) area. Source (deleted) Appr 2. FC: Number may be exaggerated." [TDCS 3/383,32 1.6.59] Another document stated: "In charge of a separation center, training camp and staging area SACU area." [TDCS 3/384,56 1.15.59] On January 20, 1959, Vice Consul Bernard Femminella of the U.S. Consulate, Santiago De Cuba, advised that he was informed that an individual known as FRANK FIORINI was with the revolutionary forces in the vicinity of Santiago De Cuba. On January 30, 1959, the CIA received information STURGIS "had a falling out with Raoul Castro over incorporating Army officers in the training program. Reportedly left SACU for Havana, where he is working with Air Force Chief." On January 30, 1959, the Legat, Mexico City sent a highly deleted cable to the Director of the FBI. "Subject: CHANGED (Deleted) IS - CUBA. ReBulets to Miami dated November 20, 1958, and December 5, 1959, in captioned matter; also Mexico letter to the Bureau dated January 26, 1959, in case entitled FRANK ANTHONY STURGIS aka -RA. The title of this case has been marked CHANGED to reflect the addition of the maternal surname of the subject (Deleted) Available details concerning these arrest were set forth in my letter of January 26, 1959, in the STURGIS case. The information is as follows. [page deleted 2-1499 NR 1.30.59]

STURGIS was the commander of the camp in San Juan, Santiago Province, Cuba, where the 59 men were killed. He gave the order to the firing squad. STURGIS claimed he needed permission to allow St. George to photograph a mass execution. STURGIS did not need permission to do anything at the base since he was the highest ranking officer there. St. George arrived too late, so STURGIS posed on the grave of the men he had sent to their death. This act of mass murder, and STURGIS' early gun running activity, was why Fidel Castro trusted him. STURGIS could never have admitted to ordering or approving this mass execution - not with the relatives of the victims living in Miami. This photograph linked STURGIS indelibly with Fidel Castro's revolution. It also linked the 26th of July Movement with mass murder.

STURGIS told the Rockefeller Commission: "Well, when I was on my way the first ten days of the revolution was over with I told (deleted) that I was on my way to Havana and he suggested that I contact Colonel Nichols and a Major Van Horne." Both of these men were at the American Embassy. STURGIS continued: "And I believe (deleted) was at the (deleted) at that time, in 1959. And he was a CIA agent. (Deleted) was also there, the CIA. And I believe that he was Station Chief at the Agency. Contacting Colonel Nichols I was asked to recruit military people, and so forth. And through the recruiting of agents for the Embassy, many of them, naturally, recruited by me, had contact with me, and they said, 'Well, I am in touch with (deleted), or I am in touch with (deleted)' and so forth. In the close circle you know who is who, like I was trying to explain to the gentleman here. An agent doesn't come out and say 'I am a CIA agent.' You don't do those things...I am not sure sir whether I met Major Van Horne, and I am not sure that I met (deleted) and I am not sure I met (deleted). There is a great possibility that I did...The regular army was being disbanded, the weapons were being taken away from them. And Fidel needed time in order to get this raggidy muffin rebel force that he had, with no shoes, and so forth. I was in charge of the military police for the Air Force."

During his HUNT v. ajweberman deposition STURGIS was asked about PHILLIPS. STURGIS: "See, DAVID PHILLIPS - let me go back to DAVID PHILLIPS -- he worked in Havana. I am not sure whether I ever met him or not, because he was the man that I would be in touch with; but there is the possibility that he man have ran across me in the embassy and I didn't know who he was." From 1955 to 1957 PHILLIPS served as a CIA undercover agent in Cuba and Lebanon. On April 1, 1955, PHILLIPS accepted an appointment with the CIA as a Staff Employee at $9,600 a year. On February 7, 1956, he became a Staff Agent. On January 12, 1958, his pay was raised to $11,835 per year. On August 19, 1958, he became a contract agent at $7,200 per year. His term ended on March 13, 1960. Since that date PHILLIPS was a Staff Employee of the CIA. [Memo: To Chief, Contract Personnel Division Attention (Deleted) From Compensation and Tax Division, Office of Finance 6.16.66] From 1958 to 1961 PHILLIPS ran a public relations firm, DAVID A. PHILLIPS Associates, in Havana, Cuba. PHILLIPS was questioned about his relationship with STURGIS in Havana:

Q. Was FRANK FIORINI STURGIS working with you at the time [Havana 1959 to 1961]?

A. Never worked with me. And as far as I know, and I think I am in a position to know, never worked with the CIA.

Q. In a previous deposition Mr. STURGIS indicated he had done some work for you in Cuba in the early 1960's. Do you know why he would make that statement?

A. Yes. It's quite possible because of the fact that during the period which led up to the Bay of Pigs, I was responsible for all sorts of different operations which involved a group perhaps. And if the group were large, perhaps someone would say, uh-huh, this is PHILLIPS that I was working for. I don't recall having worked -

Q. (Interposing) On a one-on-one basis?

A. I might very well. I met a lot of people. I certainly don't recall.

Q. Did HUNT work with STURGIS during Bay of Pigs?

A. If they were I did not know about it. As a matter of fact, based on my experience in the CIA which had a long experience in Cuban and Latin American affairs, it's my belief that Mr. STURGIS never worked for the CIA.

Q. Okay. But you --

A. (Interposing) I am not saying he didn't know Mr. HUNT and might have worked with Mr. HUNT.

Q. Okay. But as far as your personal knowledge is concerned, you don't know --

A. (Interposing) Well, it is far beyond my personal knowledge. On many, many, occasions when I was CIA Chief of Latin American Operations at CIA, it was my job to answer inquiries from Congress, and people like that, about the affiliation of STURGIS - was he also FRANK FIORINI? Yes - his connections with the Agency. And I recall quite vividly that the answer always came up that he had not been on our payroll.

STURGIS also knew the Press Attache at the U.S. Embassy, Paul Bethel, Time correspondent Jay Mallin, and Military Attache Sam Kail. HEMMING told the HSCA that Sam Kail had trained Batista's troops, and was connected with the Bureau for Suppression of Communism. HEMMING stated Paul Bethel introduced him to PHILLIPS in Cuba and in the United States.

When STURGIS testified before the Rockefeller Commission he named several men who were his CIA contacts. Certain names were deleted. These might have been Ross Crozier and Sam Kail. He probably did not mention PHILLIPS. PHILLIPS reports generated in January 1959 would be helpful in determining if a relationship existed between the two men.

STURGIS: "Going back to the first week of the revolution in Santiago, I saved the life of a man by the name of Stretch Rubin...I took Stretch Rubin away from some rebel soldiers who wanted to shoot him. He had a bag of money on him...he was like a collector for the outfit...Later on I found out that he worked for Norman Rothman." During his deposition in HUNT v. ajweberman STURGIS was asked if he had contact with Rothman in the United States:

A. Well, I ran across him on the Beach with my Cuban friends. "Hello," "Goodbye," "Have drink" and then leave. That's it.

STURGIS told Michael Canfield: "The woman who was in charge of gambling, Pastora Nunez, was up in the mountains with me. It came under her Ministry. Fidel, one day at the Prime Minister's office, asked me if I would help Pastora Nunez with the gambling casinos. I told him yes, which of course, was a short time, because I had all these other jobs, and I was involved with all this intelligence work. I was in touch with all the Havana casino operators. I knew, I met, SANTOS TRAFFICANTE, I met the Lansky brothers, I met Charlie 'the Blade' Tourine. [born March 26, 1906] I knew Dominick Bartone [CIA 201-269,887] and Dino Cellini. I met Errol Flynn. Heh, heh. I met a lot of movie actors there. I had an office where I would issue casino licenses...that's where I got to meet many of the gaming house operators...Fidel ordered me to close the casinos for ten days. The owners knew he was planning to shut them down permanently. They were mad. Those casinos were worth $100 million a year to the national crime syndicate. Every important mob boss in the United States had points [a percentage] in the Cuban casinos. Each point was worth 30 to 100 grand. Meyer Lansky and TRAFFICANTE were the top men in Cuban gambling. Meyer Lansky had direct business dealings with Batista. TRAFFICANTE was in partnership with Norman Rothman. He had several casinos, including the Sans Souci. I met Mike McLaney there. He was in charge of the Casino Nacional."

STURGIS told the Rockefeller Commission: "Stretch Rubin introduced me to Jake Lansky...McLaney, I believe he was operating the National Hotel gambling casino. TRAFFICANTE Jr...At one time Fidel personally told me, FRANK, I am going to run all of these American gangsters out of Cuba...I am going to put them all in jail if possible...I didn't tell them at that time, at the beginning that Fidel was going to get rid of them. What I did do was make my inspection of all the casinos that came under my jurisdiction at the time, and advise them of the new laws that were being put into law, advise them of the tax stamps that had to go each piece of equipment."An FBI document confirmed: "In 1959 FRANK FIORINI was a government inspector of gambling at the Tropicana Night Club, Havana, Cuba."

Paul Meskil reported: "STURGIS was on friendly terms with several gambling racketeers, including Hyman Levine, a Lansky mobster who ran Havana's Comodoro casino. One evening, during a casual conversation, Levine observed that it would be 'worth a million' to the syndicate to get rid of Castro. STURGIS didn't rise to this bait and Levine changed the subject."In early 1959 STURGIS said that Charlie Tourine approached him and offered him one million dollars to assist the mob in killing Fidel Castro. Meyer Lansky had put out the contract on Castro. Meyer Lansky had left Havana shortly after Fulgencio Batista departed. Norman Rothman was to act as the go-between. Nevertheless, STURGIS still lacked the go-ahead from his contacts at the American Embassy, and discussed this with TRAFFICANTE, Charlie Tourine and John Rosselli.

In February 1959, two squads of assassins waited for STURGIS to get the "green light" from the CIA before dispatching them. STURGIS told Paul Meskil: "The first discussion of assassination with my CIA contacts was in February 1959. I was making reports on all the Communist activity in the military. I suggested that this would be a good time to assassinate Fidel. I said I would organize it and follow through. I would arrange an important conference at Campo Libertad. All the top commanders would come to the base in their jeeps and cars. I was going to station gunners on the roofs, set up a crossfire. I would have wiped out Fidel, his brother Raul, and all the top military commanders in 30 seconds. I asked my contact in the Embassy to get a green light on this. Whether this was to come from the top level in Washington or from a lower level I don't know. The whole idea was to kill all of them at once. Unfortunately if some of the anti-Communist officers were in there at the same time, they would have to go too. The lives of some of the anti-Communist commanders would have to be sacrificed in order to get Castro and his crew." STURGIS told Canfield: "When I was in Cuba there, I told my CIA contact, I said, look, pass the word upstairs, 'You want me to kill Fidel?' I'll kill him if he comes to the Air Force base. I'm here in control of the military police, of the security of all the Air Force bases in Cuba. I said, 'If he comes here with Ché, if he comes there with all the top military people, with many of the ministers, I can kill him in two minutes. If you people want it done, I will do it with my people...and I'll just wipe the whole three jeeps right out, just taking two minutes to do it. Or, if you want me to do it inside the base. But I am in a position to do it, see. Because I was very close with Fidel.'" The green light for the assassination was never given. STURGIS told the Philadelphia Evening Bulletin: "They wanted to know what my plan was and I said I would station my men on the rooftops of a billet near the entrance to the base and delay Castro's car as it entered. Then I was going to take off my cap as a signal to my men and they would have opened fire on him with machine guns. Well, they wanted to know how many innocent people I would have to kill and I said, 'Who cares?'" [Phil. Evening Bulletin 6.17.76]

STURGIS told the Rockefeller Commission: "My excuse was for the protection of the entourage, Fidel and the military commanders that he had with him, he had a hometown bunch with him...This information was given to the American Embassy. I again did these exercises to try to get a diversion that if I would get the nod to do the execution, that I would have some means of diversionary tactics to draw attention away from the people who did the execution...I would say about six weeks after the revolution was over with there was a great deal of discontent among many of the top ranking military officers...we all discussed the assassination then...They were split on the idea of assassinating them. So they asked my opinion. And I told them 'Well, in war, innocent people do get killed.' Nichols told me to standby." The second plan "came in the last part of February, if I am not mistaken. Things came to a fever pitch. Even the American Government, through other agents inside of Cuba, in the military and so forth, were getting a lot of information about Communist activity."

STURGIS claimed he recruited Commander Camello Cienfuegos on behalf of Colonel Nichols. Camello Cienfuegos gave him enough information "that one night when I broke into the Chief of the Army headquarters -- he was Chief of the Army. I broke into their files and I did photograph and steal documents. I turned them over to Colonel Nichols." On February 2, 1959 the FBI Miami generated a report on STURGIS 2 - 192 (field) and 2-1499 (Bureau). An FBI report entitled (Deleted) about STURGIS was generated on February 12, 1959, at Miami. [FBI 105-1643] On February 27, 1959, a document was generated by the FBI in Norfolk, Virginia, about STURGIS. [FBI 97-13 Field]

In February 1959 HEMMING, William Morgan and STURGIS secretly marshaled a invasion of Panama. STURGIS: "Morgan said he was preparing an invasion of Panama...he wanted me to be second in command." STURGIS told Paul Meskil: "Major Morgan spoke to me confidentially. He said he was preparing an invasion of Panama and the Canal Zone. He wanted me to be second in command of the expedition. I told him I was interested but not in a leadership position. I said, 'Bill you got to be crazy, the American Government's got a military force there. You're willing to go against your own country? He said, 'Hell, the U.S. never did anything for me.' The conspirators planned to overthrow the Panamanian Government and close the canal. They were going to send a ship, loaded with explosives, through the canal locks. They were going to blow up and sink the ship somewhere near the locks, so that the gates and locks would be destroyed. Morgan figured it would tie up the canal for at least two months. He was all set to go. He had the men, guns, ships, planes, everything. I contacted the American Embassy in Havana and notified the CIA agent in charge. I took Colonel Erickson Nichols to the airbase and showed him the camouflaged planes that were to be used for the invasion and I named all the people who were involved in the conspiracy." Those names included Margot Fonteyn, who was married to Roberto Arias, former Panamanian ambassador to Britain and son of a former president of Panama. The invasion was supposed to take place while Castro was visiting the United States. Pedro Diaz Lanz set up Camp Columbia, a training camp on the outskirts of Havana. Miro Cardona, a Panamanian national, called for the invasion. On March 3, 1959, the CIA received information that Miro Cardona "confirmed the fact that a group is ready to leave Cuba during the week." Roberto Arias rented a yacht and deposited an arms cache somewhere in the Pacific Ocean. On March 11, 1959, the CIA received information that the group intended to invade Panama.

STURGIS additionally expatriated himself by accepting an appointment on March 23, 1959, in the Cuban Air Force as a liaison officer with the United States Air Force in Cuba. The CIA reported: "Letter of March 23, 1959, reported Subject was appointed liaison officer between Cuban Air Force and United States; in March 1959 Subject stated to a Consular Officer that he was serving as chief security officer, Cuban Air Force, liaison officer, Cuban Air Force, and Cuban Government Inspector for gambling." [FS Telegram 1675; Havana 1.18.60] STURGIS: "Well the situation was getting very hot there. And I had to request from the Chief of the Air Force a document naming me as a go between liaison officer between the Cuban Air Force and the American Embassy. This was cover for me being in touch with American officials and the American Embassy." STURGIS presented a proclamation signed by Pedro Diaz Lanz to the American Embassy, Havana. An FBI report about STURGIS was generated on March 25, 1959, at Norfolk, Virginia. Subject: (Deleted) [97-100 Field, 2-1499 (Bureau)] STURGIS visited the Miami FBI Office on March 31, 1959. During an interview with Bureau representatives, STURGIS described himself as a captain in the Cuban Armed Forces and exhibited documents to this effect which he described as credentials. [FBI 2-149941] The titles and contents of two of these reports were withheld.

An FBI report on STURGIS was generated on April 6, 1959, at Miami, Florida. On April 7, 1959, STURGIS was of interest to the St. Louis, Missouri, FBI Office. [Field 97-109] The Norfolk, Virginia, FBI Office filed a report on STURGIS dated April 13, 1959. [Field 97-13] On April 18, 1959, a ship carrying 35 of "Morgan's Raiders" sailed from Cuba toward Panama. On April 18, 1959, after receiving a report that the invasion ship had left from a port under William Morgan's control, the Panamanian Government order Arias' arrest. Panamanian authorities found that John Wayne had deposited $525,000 in Arias' bank account between November 19, 1957 and April 5, 1959. John Wayne said he was partners with Arias in a shrimp-exporting business. Six days later the crew landed and were taken into custody by Panamanian authorities. STURGIS associate Alexander Rorke was waiting to rendezvous with the group. STURGIS and William Morgan were arrested in Cuba.

William Morgan was soon released. STURGIS stated: "In June 1959, the Cuban Intelligence did receive information that I was spying and the Second Chief of Cuban Intelligence -- who is my friend to this day -- asked to speak with me across the street from the Havana Hilton at night time, and told me to leave the country immediately because I was going to be placed under arrest for spying against, being a traitor, and this was the Second Chief of Cuban Intelligence."

The Panamanian "invasion," such as it was, was a provocation that took Fidel Castro by surprise; he was obliged to publicly dissociate himself from it. HEMMING told this researcher: "The Panama thing went bad in the latter part of February 1959 and everyone was on their guard. This wasn't sanctioned by Fidel, it wasn't sanctioned by anybody. And none of the assholes that went on this invasion were rebels, they hadn't been in the mountains, they all had short hair. The guy that organized the Panama invasion was William Pawley. He suckered John Wayne's people and everybody into the thing. Pawley met him when they were making a movie about the Flying Tigers."

In early June 1959, Fidel Castro fired 25 of his top Rebel Air Force officers, including Pedro Diaz Lanz. Pedro Diaz Lanz said he had a dispute with Fidel Castro that month over Communist infiltration of the Cuban Armed Services. An order went out to eliminate Pedro Diaz Lanz. Fidel Castro suspected him of having sabotaged a plane which crashed with Raoul Castro aboard. In 1977 Pedro Diaz Lanz told HSCA investigator Gaeton Fonzi that Fidel Castro had assassinated two of his brothers, one an artist who was apolitical, and the other an invalid.

On June 17, 1959, the FBI sent this memo to its Miami Field Office "ReBulet to MM, captioned as above, dated June 5, 1959, instructing Miami to furnish information regarding activities of Subject [STURGIS] and recommendation for approach to him (Deleted). On June 9, 1959, (Deleted) Investigators, INS, Miami, Florida, advised S.A. (Deleted) that that office had no current information regarding or interest in the Subject. On June 9, 1959, (Deleted) Investigator, U.S. Customs Service, Miami, advised S.A. (Deleted) that his office had no pending investigation regarding subject and was in possession of no information not previously disseminated to the Miami Office." [FBI-2-1499-29 highly deleted - page 3 withheld]

FRANK STURGIS returned to the United States from Cuba on June 25, 1959. STURGIS told the Rockefeller Commission that he flew a plane that was registered in his name to Miami. At first, STURGIS and his wife were living in Norfolk, Virginia. He spent much of his time in Washington, D.C., trying to renew his pilot's license and nullify the cancellation of the registration of the B-25 bomber he had left Cuba in. On July 1, 1959, STURGIS claimed he went into Cuba and carried out the exfiltration of Pedro Diaz Lanz, despite a shoot-on-sight order issued by Fidel Castro. The CIA claimed it "clandestinely exfiltrated Pedro Diaz Lanz from Cuba." Wallace Shanley recalled: "Before Pedro Diaz Lanz left he took over Radio Havana for an hour. A car was waiting, and they beat it out of there." Pedro Diaz Lanz appeared on national television, then traveled to Washington and testified before the Senate Internal Security Sub-Committee.

Wallace Shanley stated that Pedro Diaz Lanz supplied him with copies of Fidel Castro's letters of credit, ordering strategic items from the Soviet Union through the Bank of Nova Scotia, Canada. Wallace Shanley recalled: "Lanz was a high class guy. Of all the people I've met of the Cuban persuasion, he is the finest one. He was very pro-American, but he was also pro-Cuban. He wanted very much to believe that Fidel was the answer. Fidel was the answer, he was the blessing of that country, it needed one during Batista's day. Cuba was victimized by American capitalism. It was one big Texas border town. No housing, schools or hospitals. Tin shacks. Pedro thought: 'They got rid of the capitalists, and Fidel was giving Cuba a tremendous leap forward.' In this respect, one day, there was an airstrip in Fort Lauderdale called Prospect Hills. It wasn't used much, it was an auxiliary field during the second World War. It was now a pumping station. Well, when a meter reader went out there and discovered Lanz's Lodstar being loaded with arms, he reported it to me. I soon located the aircraft, empty, in West Palm beach. I didn't have a case. Pedro was there. He had $200,000 in $100 bills in a paper bag. He offered me the money and asked me not to seize his plane. He said, 'We have to use people like FIORINI to get it registered in America. That's the hard part of it.'"

In the Fall of 1959 the State Department was about to honor Cuba's request for the extradition of Pedro Diaz Lanz. Pedro Diaz Lanz was viewed by many liberals as a traitor and a criminal. HUNT wrote that the attacks against him "recalled liberal attacks on Senator Joe McCarthy." After Pedro Diaz Lanz was re-subpoenaed by the Senate Internal Security Committee, the extradition proceedings were dropped.

HUNT gave Pedro Diaz Lanz a job as a pilot with the Cuban Revolutionary Front, despite the objections of the State Department. The State Department considered Pedro Diaz Lanz an "unstable reactionary." In Give Us This Day HUNT wrote: "I saw a haggard unshaven young man in a flying jacket...his eyes burned in his gaunt face. I told him I admired his exploits. He and his friends had contributed some funds as a down payment on an old B-25. DAVID PHILLIPS underwrote a loan of $4,000 for an overhaul." STURGIS told the Rockefeller Commission: "E. HOWARD HUNT gave X amount of thousands of dollars to, at least okayed this money for the B-25 bomber to be repaired and then readied in condition for any operations inside of Cuba." When questioned under oath, Pedro Diaz Lanz denied he met HOWARD HUNT. [Lanz Depo. HUNT v. ajweberman] Evidence existed that Diaz Lanz was over-hauling an aircraft at this time. On January 9, 1961, the CIA noted:

1. The alleged $2,800 payment is presumed to be part of the money given to Pedro Diaz Lanz by Saralegui as a personal loan in support of Pedro Diaz Lanz's anti-Castro activities.

2. Pedro Diaz Lanz is, of course, preparing his aircraft for the Vuelo de Verdad and instructions given by him to aircraft technicians including the possible use of national flags on the nose of the aircraft would confirm that Pedro Diaz Lanz intends to visit a number of countries.

3. BERNARD BARKER says that he has met STURGIS on only one occasion with a group of people and has never seen him before or since. The alleged address of BARKER provided by STURGIS is not correct.

4. It is to be noted that STURGIS has lost the confidence of Diaz Lanz and has been treating with such people as Rasco in an attempt to involve himself in anti-Castro activity. You will note that Diaz Lanz expressed concern that STURGIS "might get involved in such a way that impair the plans of anti-Castro groups."

5. Pedro Diaz Lanz alleges that he and his people are being 'hounded' by federal agents and inspectors whose interest in their plans has been piqued by plane overhauling activities and that these federal officials asked leading and provocative questions.

6. The entire Executive Committee of the Cuban Revolutionary Front, or course, as well as the propaganda commission is fully acquainted with preparatory plans for the flight and it is, therefore, not strange that the plans have become known outside that immediate group.

7. However, a review of the Customs report, together with the above, would indicate that the essential element of plausible denial still remains." [CIA 201-259,129]

Prior to the Bay of Pigs invasion of April 1961, HUNT made BARKER his chief assistant. The CIA: "As a result of his excellent record with the CIA in Havana, and favorable assessment by a senior CIA official in Miami in January 1960, BARKER was hired under a contractual relationship with the CIA Miami Office effective April 4, 1960, at the rate of $300 per month for full time service." BARKER was asked about this in the course of HUNT v. ajweberman: "I worked for Mr. HUNT in the Bay of Pigs invasion. This training I received with the rest of the Cubans from a government agency." Aside from HUNT, BARKER'S Case Officers were Joseph S. Piccolo of Western Hemisphere Division/4 and Jacob D. Esterline. The CIA: "Mr. HUNT was assigned to the Agency's Cuban Operations in (deleted). In that connection he was Mr. BARKER'S supervisor (deleted)."

BARKER would soon be viewed by the CIA as a security problem since he was strongly associated with the CIA in the exiles thinking and "statements or opinions expressed by him concerning various individuals or exile groups were either mistaken for 'official leaks' or 'policy.'" A recently released handwritten CIA document, titled BERNARD BARKER, reviewed his early activities for the CIA:

1. April 1960 (deleted) in contact on station orders with (deleted) who was to give (deleted) a monthly accounting of Agency support.

2. April 1960 (deleted) in contact on station orders with (deleted) ordered to obtain report of (deleted) Latin American trip, including his diary & paper on (deleted) thinking on and current status of PM activities. Knows (deleted) is station asset.

3. Worked with Frank Bender in handling (deleted) .

4. POA granted (deleted) on May 9, 1960, for use in political action opa in (deleted).

5. In contact with Tony Varona. Acted as go-between with Varona/Bender.

6. Also knows (deleted) by his true name.

7. (Deleted) his wife Clara, worked on (deleted) Project. Wife was translator. (Illegible) Feb 1961 POA granted on Clara on March 15, 1961.

8. (Illegible) HOWARD HUNT (deleted) was being handled administratively by (deleted) June 20, 1961.

9. (deleted) involved with ransoming Brigade prisoners from Cuba.

10. Considered to work with (deleted) intelligence service (WAVE 335 February 13, 1962 (deleted).

11. Knows (deleted) under true names.

BERNARD BARKER was acquainted with Alexander Rorke.

Alexander Irwin Rorke Jr. (born August 9, 1926) was a close associate of FRANK STURGIS. [FBI 97-4623-46- 9.12.61] Alexander Rorke was the son of a New York City Assistant District Attorney. In 1919, Alexander Rorke Sr. (born June 29, 1877; died January 1967), prosecuted and convicted the founders of the Communist Party of the United States. He then became a New York State Appellate Judge. Alexander Rorke Jr. was a graduate of St. John's University and attended the Georgetown University School of Foreign Service. At the age of 17, he enlisted in the U.S. Army. Alexander Rorke served as a military intelligence specialist during World War II, responsible for the security of five German provinces. He participated in the capture of SS men, and in the first postwar roundup of Communist agents in the Allied military zones of Germany. Returning to college after the war, Rorke who was 6' 3" tall and weighed 200 pounds, became a track star and Forensic Commissioner of the National Federation of Catholic College Students, and an undefeated inter-collegiate debating champion. He was an FBI clerk from February 5, 1951, to May 11, 1951. In 1952 he married Jacqueline Billingsley. The father of Jacqueline Billingsley, Sherman Billingsley, was a former bootlegger with several convictions, who owned a Manhattan night club known as The Stork Club. The Stork Club was frequented by numerous organized crime figures as well as by FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover. Alex Rorke was acquainted with Dominick Bartone.

When Fidel Castro came to power mobster Dominick Bartone attempted to win his favor by smuggling him several plane loads of arms. Dominick Bartone worked out a deal with Jimmy Hoffa in which the Teamsters Union would lend a "Cleveland Group"$300,000 to buy several surplus cargo-aircraft. Then Dominick Bartone would supply the arms and the pilot who would fly the plane to Cuba. Dominick Bartone was indicted for this activity. [FBI 105-70973]

STURGIS claimed that circa May 1959 he set up a meeting between William Morgan and national crime syndicate associate Frank Nelson. Frank Nelson had been a friend of Fulgencio Batista, and had previously owned a good deal of Cuba's lobster industry. STURGIS said Frank Nelson informed William Morgan he represented the interests of Raphael Trujillo, and could offer William Morgan $500,000 for his cooperation in organizing a Cuban invasion from the Dominican Republic. William Morgan allegedly accepted the offer.

On May 1, 1959, the FBI received a report of funds being funneled to William Morgan: "Within the past few days $25,000 was delivered to William Morgan...William Morgan has reportedly agreed to establish a new revolutionary anti-Castro front in the Escambray area...Carlos Prio...and the Dominican Republic are supplying the other arms and equipment...According to the source, Fulgencio Batista and Orlando Piedra are making large contributions." [FBI 105-70973 - Morgan] The anti-Castro forces in the Dominican Republic were led by General Jose Pedraza, who had served under Batista.

Alexander Rorke told the FBI that Dominick Bartone supplied a plane "which was used by the Cubans and Dominicans for the invasion of the Dominican Republic which took place on June 19, 1959." [CIA OS 8.24.62 Sheffield Edwards] On June 25, 1959, the Miami FBI was instructed to clarify "the statement in retel to effect that William Morgan was with Dominick Bartone, who was arrested May 22, 1959, by Customs, Miami, relative to seizure of plane loaded with arms for Dominican Republic. Miami should advise statements source and basis for allegation that William Morgan visited Miami in order to receive $10,000 from Dominican Consul Ferrando." Headquarters was advised that according to a source of the Miami Field Office, William Morgan met with [FNU] Ferrando in Room 1133R of Dupont Plaza Motel in Miami, a room registered to Dominick Bartone. The FBI received information that William Morgan was awaiting "arrival in the Dominican Republic of $200,000 worth of guns" which allegedly had been purchased in England by Amadeo Barleta, who had been the Subject of a Bureau investigation during World War II for being a "rabid pro-Fascist." [FBI 100-344127-NR 7.2.59] On August 10, 1959, a CIA source reported that William Morgan met with Dominick Bartone and several anti-Castro Cubans at Dominick Bartone's home in Miami. William Morgan was given $140,000 in cash. The CIA discovered that Dominick Bartone was sending William Morgan money through a Panamanian bank. When William Morgan returned to Havana he publicly declared that he had received $75,000 from counter-revolutionaries.

Had STURGIS introduced William Morgan to Dominick Bartone, rather than to Frank Nelson? Peter Clapper of the Rockefeller Commission noted on May 6, 1975: "Bob: It may be of interest that Dominick Bartone, a mafia member in Cleveland, has told the Cleveland Plain Dealer reporter Mary Wogel that he was hired in 1959 by STURGIS to help with assassination plotting against Fidel Castro. Ms. Wogel called to volunteer the information." [CIA RCD 5.6.75 mistakenly labeled by Archives as HSCA 180-10107-10419]

STURGIS formed the International Anti-Communist Brigade (IACB) on July 4, 1959. STURGIS claimed its first action was to land 20 men in Cuba who would then compose the core of an anti-Castro guerrilla group in the Escambray Mountains. On July 6, 1959, STURGIS said that five East Germans were expected by the Cuban Government to assist Cuban military forces, probably as instructors. On July 13, 1959, a CIA Routing Slip regarding STURGIS to Mr. Kulen remarked, "CIA Official Routing Slip TO: (Deleted) See request for FBI approval! Kulen advises he has discussed w/00/C [Domestic Contacts Division or DCD]. FBI has an interest & requests 00/C delay contact w/Subject. From (Deleted)." [Unmarked CIA ref. to F 81-0351 D0349; Allen v. DOD 00632 521; CIA D00577] The FBI received information on July 27, 1959, that STURGIS reportedly accepted an unidentified amount of money from Rolando Masferrer for a purpose which was not stated: "Informant said that apparently FIORINI did not produce results for Rolando Masferrer, and Rolando Masferrer reportedly had his goons looking for FIORINI." [FBI 100-344127-26 p16] In September 1959 the FBI at Miami, Florida, generated a document about STURGIS. [Date illegible]

In August 1959 Alexander Rorke flew to Cuba to finalize the plans for the invasion of Cuba from the Dominican Republic with William A. Morgan. When he arrived at the home of William A. Morgan, he was arrested by the G-2. Alexander Rorke was incarcerated from August 9, 1959 to August 14, 1959. Alexander Rorke criticized the State Department for not having gotten him released quickly enough. The reason he was arrested was that William Morgan had reported the plot to Fidel Castro, so when a plane-load of Trujillo's men landed in a sugar cane field outside Havana the next day, the militia arrested them. An FBI informant explained: "In mid-August 1959 an anti-Castro group in Cuba began fighting, but William Morgan double-crossed the anti-Fidel Castro forces and through his actions entrapped a plane that was sent from the Dominican Republic in answer to a false broadcast by William Morgan for aid by the anti-Castro forces then fighting. (Deleted) other forces from the Dominican Republic which were prepared to leave to fight in Cuba were canceled..." [FBI MM 2-225] The CIA reported: "Rorke recently returned from Cuba where he was held without charge from August 9, 1959 to August 14, 1959. Had gone to photograph invasion of that country by a force from U.S. and had made arrangements by a friend in Miami to be advised two days prior to invasion. The friend was Dominick Bartone." The FBI reported that Rolando Masferrer met with "Norman Rothman, hoodlum and gangster, Miami Beach, August 1959, concerning double cross of William Morgan, but Rolando Masferrer reportedly does not want anything to do with any plot to assassinate William Morgan...Informant said that also they discussed having an American crime syndicate sign a contract to produce the assassination of Morgan on behalf of Raphael Trujillo, Dominican Dictator, who would furnish money. (Deleted) Masferrer does not want to take part in any plans to assassinate Morgan, and does not plan to become a party to such a plot...Rothman is in contact with Enrique A. Garcia, an employee Dominican Republic delegation to the United Nations, who is also in contact with Masferrer." [FBI 100-344127-26 - pages 11 to 14 w/h]

William Morgan told Fidel Castro that Alexander Rorke had no part in the Dominican plot; Alexander Rorke was released and deported, having spent nine days in a Cuban jail. William Morgan became "the Yankee who saved the revolution." As a reward, he was given a frog leg farm outside Havana. Alexander Rorke returned to New York City. Rorke told the FBI about his experiences as a prisoner of Castro: "Rorke advised that in August 1959, he had gone to Cuba on a T.V. news assignment and to participate in counter-revolutionary matters. He stated that while there he was arrested on orders of Raul Castro, was shot at, subjected to round-the-clock interrogation and 'brainwashing attempts.' He stated he was held for nine days at the Cuban Army Base, Camp Libertad, located outside Havana."

On September 17, 1959, the CIA generated an index card about Dominick Bartone titled "Regarding Association with William Alexander Morgan, 201-251145, and Information Concerning a Plot to Assassinate Castro."

In November 1959 Rorke was interviewed by radio station WABC in New York City: "Rorke indicated he had received many threatening telephone calls at his home after his initial interview with WABC regarding his derogatory remarks concerning Fidel Castro. He stated that while he was held prisoner in Havana he was told that he would be taken care of by Castro agents working in the United States if he spoke out against Castro's regime. He indicated there was a large Castro espionage ring working in the United States with personnel operating on diplomatic passports. His information, Rorke claimed, came from such persons as Major William Morgan. Rorke further advised that he had been approached in the United States by one Frank De Llunde who had worked for Castro in the United States during the revolution. De Llunde advised Rorke to stop criticizing the Castro regime. The report went on to indicate the details of Rorke's meetings with various other individuals, including Frank Nelson, an American who formerly operated a frozen food business in Cuba, and Dominick Bartone, President of the International Trading Company. According to Rorke, Bartone was apparently involved in arms and plane sales and one of these planes had delivered revolutionaries into Nicaragua. Rorke believed that Bartone also sold the plane which was used by the Cubans and Dominicans for the invasion of the Dominican Republic on June 19, 1959. Rorke indicated he had been in contact with Cuban exiles, namely General Manual Benitez and Dr. Emilo Nunez Portuondo."

On November 17, 1959, Rorke advised the FBI that (deleted). [FBI 109-12-223-273 encl. P.1 also see FBI 105-82088-14 p.1 first ref. to Rorke totally deleted] On November 30, 1959 the NY Office of the FBI advised " that during the past two months they had been in contact with Rorke who was held by Cuban authorities in Havana during August 1959. Rorke had maintained contact with various revolutionary groups and individuals in the U.S. such as (deleted)." [FBI 66-2542-3-34-5111 p.3] On December 20, 1959, Rorke told the FBI (Deleted). [FBI 97-3222-8 p.1,2; w/h in entirety FBI 97-4623-179 pages 5, 19]

On September 29, 1959, the FBI generated File #97-227, subject, Albert Henry Lopez Lopez. STURGIS was mentioned in this report. [CIA FOIA F81-0351 D0532] The CIA reported: "Subject [STURGIS] left for the Dominican Republic on weekend October 10, 1959, traveling with Enrique A. Garcia, registered Dominican Agent. [CIA DBF 35573 10.26.59] On October 27, 1959, STURGIS and Pedro Diaz Lanz began flying a series of "leafleting raids" over Havana. The Cuban Government reported:

INVESTIGATION:

Republic of Cuba.

Ministry of National Defense. Army.

Headquarters of the DIER (Department of Investigation of Rebel Army).

Ciudad Libertad. October 27, 1959.

To His Honor the Judge of Investigations of the Sixth Section. Havana. Sir. The undersigned, Abelardo Colome Ibarra, Commander of the Rebel Army, Chief, Department Investigations, Rebel Army, has the honor to inform you that, by reason of events which took place on October 22, 1959 in the city of Havana, wherein airplanes or small light aircrafts participated, which vessels, according to existing news supposedly came from some part in the North American territory; said planes having dropped manifestos and shrapnel over defenseless people, I delegated on the Police Agents of this body Ramon Rodriguez Acuna and Luis Cambrana who, in the course of their investigations learning the following: That on the said date, in the afternoon hours, two or more airplanes or small light aircrafts dropped from above the city some subversive propaganda slips whereby defamation was made of the Cuban Government and its Revolutionary Laws. Also they dropped shrapnel where the greatest concentration of public was found at the said time; especially where people assemble to get off buses, thus causing a sad balance of numerous persons wounded to different degrees, also two dead, about which occurrence the proper authorities are already aware of through the actuations carried out at the various stations of the National Revolutionary Police. Likewise, the said Agents have known that the attacking planes were piloted by individuals disaffected to the Revolutionary Government under the direction of Ex-Commander Pedro Diaz Lanz, who was formerly, and until very recently, Chief of the FAR (Revolutionary Air Force)...they managed to know that as the site known as 'Esquina de Tejas' was one of the places most effected by the throwing of shrapnel from airplanes or small light aircrafts, the result was several persons wounded and a man killed in consequence of the wounds suffered of which fact the Judge of the Sixth Investigation Section, Havana, is already informed, this being the court where case number 3007-59, was established, duly informed regarding the crimes of Imperfect Homicide, Infraction to Law 425-959, Serious Injuries and others.

The shrapnel was later identified as fragments from a grenade. In all, 40 people were wounded and two were killed during the "leafleting mission."

STURGIS: "The CIA gave me the money for the plane. Lanz was pilot, I was co-pilot. The big guns at the Navy Station and the Cabana fortress opened up, but the angle of the guns was such that they were firing from the heights, into the city. At least 36 people were killed or wounded. When we returned to Miami, the Customs Service took the plane."

The FBI reported: "On October 27, 1959, (Deleted), Aircraft Review Section, Federal Aviation Agency, Washington, D.C. made available to S.A. (Deleted) for review, the file for the North American Model TB-25N, Serial Number 44-288874A, Registration Number 9876-C. A bill of sale dated October 6, 1958 described the seller and purchaser, respectively, as the U.S. Air Force, Norton Air Force Base, San Bernardino, California, and Aviation Rental Service, Fleming Field, South St. Paul, Minnesota. The B-25 was sold for $2,190. By bill of sale dated April 13, 1959, Aviation Rental Service sold same to Ben W. Widtfeldt, in care of Biegert Aviation, Sky Harbor, Phoenix, Arizona. On May 12, 1959, Widtfeldt sold same to FRANK A. FIORINI, 2160 Southwest 4th Street, Miami, for $1 and other valuable consideration. FIORINI, as owner, applied for certificate of registration on May 12, 1959, and received same on July 13, 1959. At this point McDaniel advised that FIORINI in the company of an unidentified male, appeared personally at the Federal Aviation Agency, Washington, D.C. to receive the certificate of registration for this aircraft.

"By letter dated September 4, 1959 Carlos B. Fernandez, attorney, Congress Building, Miami, Florida, who on his letterhead described himself as "Vice Consul, Uruguay (Hon.)," wrote the Federal Aviation Agency regarding the above aircraft stating he represented the Government of Cuba, which is the true and rightful owner of said aircraft. Fernandez said at the time of the purchase of the aircraft, FIORINI was acting on behalf of the present Government of Cuba and the funds which were used to purchase it were provided by the present Government of Cuba. Fernandez said on behalf of the Government of Cuba he was filing a suit in the Circuit Court of Dade County to determine the true owner of said aircraft." [FBI 2-1499-45]

STURGIS: "I suspect that the man who sold me the airplane did work for the CIA." On October 21, 1959 STURGIS and Pedro Diaz Lanz flew a leafleting mission to Cuba. On October 30, 1959 U.S. Customs impounded STURGIS' B-25 on the grounds the owners did not obtain an export license for the leaflets.

STURGIS stated: 'In December 1959 he "went to Guatemala with Diaz Lanz for a meeting with the President, to arrange for bases there for the invasion forces. And naturally, there were Cuban and Russian agents there, so there were big headlines in all the newspapers. All over Latin America on the television and on the radio, that I was there trying to get bases, to invade Cuba. I had to leave the country because of all the publicity. In order for the United States Government to protect itself, when I got back a (unintelligible) grabbed me and lifted my citizenship, which was a ploy on their part to appease Fidel."

CIA documents verified the fact STURGIS and Pedro Lanz did try to approach Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes.

COUNTRY CUBA/GUATEMALA Report No. TDCS-3/424,841

SUBJECT: Activities in Guatemala of Marcos Diaz Lanz, Cuban Exile

DATE DISTR. January 19, 1960.

DATE OF INFO: December 1959 to January 1960.

(Deleted) January 18, 1960.

Appraisal 2 (AS TO REPORTORIAL ACCURACY)

This is UNEVALUATED information. Source of gradings are definitive.

Appraisal of contents is tentative.

SOURCE: American Resident of Mexico in contact with anti-Castro Groups.

1. According to Marcos Diaz Lanz, former Deputy Chief of the Cuban Rebel Air Force in exile since July 1959, prior to his trip to Guatemala he and an unidentified companion met with Arturo Ramirez Pinto, Guatemalan Ambassador in Washington, D.C. Ramirez granted Diaz a visa and scheduled a meeting between Diaz and Guatemalan President Miguel Ydigoras for December 29, 1959, the day that Diaz was supposed to arrive in Guatemala. Diaz described Ramirez as extremely outspoken concerning Guatemalan support of anti-Castro activities. On arrival in Guatemala Diaz found out Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes was out of town. On December 30, 1959, Diaz Lanz met Lt. Eugenio Perez Cowley in his hotel lobby. Diaz Lanz described Eugenio Perez Cowley as an agent in Guatemala of Ché Guevara, leftist head of the National Bank of Cuba, and after meeting Eugenio Perez Cowley, he was not disposed to meet Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes. A few days later, Pedro Diaz Lanz was told by a police agent that he should leave Guatemala, as pressure was being put on the Guatemalan Government. TDCS-3/421,283 reported that Eugenio Perez Cowley had been assigned to the Cuban Embassy, Guatemala, to engage in covert activities on behalf of the Cuban Government.

2. Diaz Lanz blames Jorge Garcia Granados, personal advisor to President Ydigoras, and the Communists for his expulsion from Guatemala. According to Diaz Lanz, this purpose of this trip was to move anti-Castro operations out of the United States, utilizing the sympathy of other Latin Americans to foster support to take the pressure off the U.S. in the eyes of Latin America. While in Guatemala, Diaz Lanz said that he spoke with (FNU) Gonzalez Simi...and other high ranking figures in the Guatemalan Army, who appeared to by sympathetic toward the anti-Castro cause. (Headquarters Comment: Carlos Gonzalez Simi is private secretary to President Ydigoras. Ruben Gonzalez Simi is Minister of Defense).

A follow up report stated: "Ramiro De La Fe, Cuban exile who had helped Diaz Lanz while in Guatemala, and the brother or Ernesto, who is imprisoned in Cuba, said that the real reason for Diaz Lanz mission to Guatemala was to ask Ydigoras permission to use Guatemalan territory as a base of operations for a campaign to overthrow Castro. According to De La Fe, Diaz Lanz brothers claimed that they had visited (illegible) and everything there was arranged. They also claimed to have all the money, arms and men necessary. De La Fa said that Sergio Diaz Brui and FRANK STURGIS, who had accompanied Marcos to Guatemala, had returned to Miami, but he did not mention the departure plans of Marcos Diaz." [CIA Report Nos. TDCS 3/423,897 1.8.60, 3/423,455, 3/424,841 1.19.60]

A CIA index card reported: "Arrived in Guatemala December 30, 1959, and contacted Colonel Oscar Morales Lopez who chief of Aviateca (Guat airline); also with Subject was Captain Sergio Diaz and Captain Pedro Diaz Lanz. They wished to talk with President Ydigoras to explain Castro intends to control CA; they desire obtain moral support of Guatemala and impress need to unite CA against Castro." [CIA CS 3 423455]

The FBI reported that on "January 7, 1960 (Deleted) INS, Miami, advised that FRANK FIORINI, INS, reported to that office on January 7, 1960, and furnished a statement under oath concerning his connection with and membership in, the Cuban Armed Forces, denying any membership or association which would in any way jeopardize his citizenship status." The FBI Office in Miami advised the INS that this was untrue: "In response for a request for any pertinent admissible evidence concerning this matter, your office in Miami was advised that Subject had voluntarily appeared at this Bureau's headquarters on March 31, 1959, at which time during an interview by Bureau representatives he described himself as a captain in the Cuban armed forces and exhibited documents which he described as credentials to this effect." [FBI 2-1499-41] On January 14, 1960 the FBI reported: "Today, (Deleted) investigator for the INS advised State Department interested in FIORINI case and was making inquiry, central office, INS, which office phoned (Deleted) directly instructing him to expeditiously prepare detailed brief of proposed presentation of facts before hearing. (Deleted) advised of the information from (Deleted) without divulging (Deleted's) identity, on January 14, 1960, and was asked whether the testimony of these Cuban officials was desired. (Deleted) said that he could not give any assurance that an INS meeting is going to be held because this matter is being handled on the Washington level and is a hot potato. He indicated that proceedings against the Subject did not depend so much on available evidence as it did on the feelings of the State Department. (Deleted)."

On March 21, 1960, file #2-192 (Bureau File #2-1499) was generated. It concerned STURGIS. On April 25, 1960 (Deleted) Office of Security, United States Department of State had decreed that FRANK ANTHONY STURGIS was held to have expatriated himself under Section 349 (A) (3) of the Immigration and Nationality Act by accepting, on March 23, 1959, an appointment by the Cuban Air Force as Liaison Officer between the Cuban Air Force and the United States Air Force. A certificate of loss of nationality was approved January 29, 1960. [FBI 2-1449-49]

On February 24, 1960, (Deleted) INS, advised that a hearing was held in the office on February 23, 1960, for the purpose of determining whether Subject was subject to deportation on the basis that he entered the United States illegally without a visa, being an alien, upon return from Guatemala. The hearing was to provide evidence showing Subject to have expatriated himself due to service in the Cuban Armed Forces, subsequent to January 1, 1959, as provided in Section 349A of the Immigration and Naturalization Act. (Deleted) explained that the U.S. Department of State had already issued a Certificate of Loss of Nationality to Subject, thereby placing the burden of proof on him to show that he had, in fact, not lost his citizenship through such service. Deleted said that Subject recited the 5th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution when asked pertinent questions regarding his connection with the Cuban Armed Forces, but that a decision formerly rendered by the Board of Appeals of INS held that at such a hearing, should the defendant remain mute or claim the 5th Amendment, material bearing upon that point could be duly entered into evidence." [FBI Miami 2-1499-45]

On April 26, 1960, (Deleted) Investigator, INS, Miami, Florida, advised that Luke White, Special Inquiry Officer for INS, had just handed down a decision regarding the expatriation hearings being held by that office concerning FIORINI. FIORINI was held to have voluntarily expatriated himself through service in the Armed Forces of Cuba, subsequent to January 1, 1959, and has been ordered excluded from admission to the U.S. Consequently, through loss of U.S. citizenship, FIORINI would have needed alien documents to properly enter the U.S. on his return from Guatemala on January 6, 1960. (Deleted) said that FIORINI holds citizenship in no other country and is therefore a stateless person. (Deleted) said that FIORINI would theoretically be ordered to return to Guatemala, but that no decision had yet been reached in this concern."

Senator George Smathers intervened and another hearing was scheduled.

On May 5, 1960, an informant for the United States Border Patrol reported that "he went to FIORINI'S residence evening of May 5, 1960, and was issued a military uniform and boots. (Deleted) related this source said 28 individuals scheduled to participate in an invasion against Cuba, but FIORINI himself would not go. Two M-1 rifles and two carbines were shown to this source by FIORINI, and source said these men are being trained for rifle practice in the Everglades." [FBI 2-1499-48, 49] On May 10, 1960 the Headquarters of the FBI generated a document about STURGIS entitled "Neutrality Matters." On May 10, 1960, the FBI sent a memo to the State Department Office of Security about STURGIS. On May 13, 1960, a document about STURGIS was generated by the Miami Field Office of the FBI.

On August 4, 1960, STURGIS' appeal was pending before the Board of Immigration Appeals in Washington, D.C. On August 4, 1960, (Deleted) Special Details Officer, U.S. Border Patrol, Miami advised the FBI that a source informed him that FIORINI was inactive in the anti-Castro field. [FBI 2-1499-50] On August 11, 1960, FBI File #Norfolk 97-13 (Bureau file #2-1499) was generated about STURGIS. Subject: (Deleted). On August 18, 1960, the FBI generated an addition to Miami Field Office File #2-192 about STURGIS. Another FBI document on STURGIS was generated on August 24, 1960, at Norfolk, Virginia. On August 30, 1960, the CIA reported: "Subject's pilot's certificate has been revoked by FAA and his appeal of the order expatriating him is still pending." [CIA DBF 56442(?)]

FBI reports were generated on STURGIS in Norfolk on September 28, 1960, and Miami, October 27, 1960, Washington December 16, 1960, Neutrality Matters, Miami, December 28, 1960. Howard Osborne of the CIA's Office of Security reported to Arnold Parham of the FBI that "In December 1960, an informant of the FBI who lived with Subject at that time said subject claimed he was working with and being sponsored by the Agency for some future military action against the Government of Cuba."

On June 30, 1960, J.C. King, Chief / Western Hemisphere Division, generated this Memorandum For the Record: "General Cabell called to say that he in turn had been called by Andy Goodpaster. A friend of the President's, Alexander I. Roarke, Jr. of NBC had telephoned to offer information which he thought might be of interest pertaining to Cuba and possibly the Dominican Republic... Action has been given to Mr. Reyolds and he has been authorized to use an 00 man in New York to make the first contact with Roarke. I am to report back to General Cabell." In July 1960, pursuant to a request from OO/Contacts Division, CIA File EE-27955 was opened on Alexander Rorke. In 1975 the CIA described Alexander Rorke as "former witting collaborator (relationship terminated)."

July 6, 1960

MEMORANDUM FOR: Chief WHD

SUBJECT: Alexander I. Roarke, Jr.

1. Pursuant to a request at the end of last week from General Goodpasture of the White House, a representative of OO/C in New York City interviewed the Subject on July 5, 1960.

2. Following a rambling narrative of this experiences over the years in Central America and the Caribbean, Mr. Roarke came to this major, which was the most capable Cuban exiled military leader, and the one who is most deserving of U.S. support is Pedro Diaz Lanz. Mr. Roarke knows Diaz Lanz and was planning to appear with Diaz Lanz on a television program...Mr. Roarke considers Diaz Lanz superior to General Pedraza, Francisco Cajigas and Antonio Varona, all of whom he claims to know.

STURGIS was still determined to kill Fidel Castro. One of his plots utilized the personal secretary of Fidel Castro, Juan Orta (born May 27, 1906), to plant a bomb in the office of the Prime Minister. STURGIS told Paul Meskil that he had recruited Juan Orta for anti-Castro espionage in post-revolutionary Havana: "I had access to the prime minister's office, I knew Fidel's private secretary, Juan Orta. I recruited him to work with the Embassy. I planned to go to Fidel's office with a briefcase full of explosives which I would leave there. When Fidel entered the office a signal would be given and the bomb would be set off by an electronic device across the street." Juan Orta had entered the United States in July 1955. In 1957 he became President of the 26th of July Club in Miami and was charged with making false statements to a Federal Grand Jury in U.S. District Court there. Judge Emmett Choate accepted the guilty plea of Juan Orta and levied a fine of $400 against him. Juan Orta and Carlos Prio Soccarras were the Subjects of Federal indictments for Neutrality Act violations in 1958. Orta and Prio were ordered to appear in Federal Court in New York City. [FBI 109-430-2202 10.29.58] Juan Orta had been serving as an intermediary between Fidel Castro and Carlos Prio Soccarras. When their case came to trial in 1959, both Carlos Prio Soccarras and Juan Orta received suspended sentences, after obtaining a change of venue from New York to Miami. In January 1960 Juan Orta was in charge of the Castro plan to kidnap Pedro Diaz Lanz. The CIA noted: "In 1959 and 1960 STURGIS was very closely connected with Pedro Diaz Lanz." In April 1961 Juan Orta sought, and was granted, political asylum in the Venezuelan Embassy, where he remained until 1964, when he was granted safe conduct to the United States. [FBI 109-430-2316, 105-57681 NR 10.16.59; FBI FOIA Req. #59,998] HEMMING told this researcher: "The kidnap attempt was a cover for flying in and out of the country. You have to have a plan. Otherwise Fidel is going to hear that you're moving around talking to strange people."

A 1977 CIA Task Force Report on assassination schemes against Castro "recognized that STURGIS, through his gambling activities and relationships with various casino operators, may quite possibly have known Juan Orta, and also raised the question of whether STURGIS may have been a source of information to Castro regarding Juan Orta's participation in any assassination plot." The Task Force Report admitted its information was based on "newspaper stories" that "are not necessarily reliable sources of information. However, because the statement by STURGIS in 1975 indicated a familiarity with Juan Orta's availability to play the role of assassin in 1960, additional attention was given the statement in the press, to see how it might fit into other things that are known. What follows is subject to reservations that one must attach to the reliability of newspaper stories (deleted). It is pertinent to note here that in addition to the role STURGIS is reported to have had with the Castro Government in relation to the gambling activities, Juan Orta's availability for the assassination assignment was understood to be due to his having lost payoffs that he once received from gambling interests. One can deduce that STURGIS and Juan Orta could have known one another because of their connections with gambling activities as well as having contacts with the men heading the gambling organizations." [CIA FOIA #1057] The CIA acknowledged that STURGIS was the first individual to publicly link Juan Orta with Fidel Castro death plots:

"9. Of extreme pertinence to instant memorandum is that information contained in the April 21, 1975 article by Paul Meskil which is apparently based on an interview with STURGIS to wit: The third (assassination) scheme involved planting a bomb in Castro's office."I had access to the Prime Minister's office, I knew Fidel's private secretary, Juan Orta. I recruited him to work with the Embassy. (American Embassy in Havana)." To the writer's knowledge, the name of Juan Orta was never publicly linked to an assassination plot against Castro before the above-noted article. It is also highly interesting that Juan Orta was in fact the assassin to be utilized in the Agency operation, Phase One. It is of note that even the November 1975 Senate Select Committee report 'Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders" did not identify Juan Orta by name as a participant in Phase One, nor did this report identify Rolando Cubela by name as being a participant in Phase Two. However, the Paul Meskil article of April 24, 1975 outlines Phase Two and does identify Cubela as a participant."

In 1993 the CIA admitted: "Juan Orta was a Castro Government official circa 1960 to 1961 and was a contact of SANTOS TRAFFICANTE. Juan Orta was originally selected by TRAFFICANTE to make an assassination attempt against Castro." [CIA D000136 9.7.76] In discussing the possible methods of accomplishing this mission, mobster Sam Giancana suggested some type of potent pill that could be placed in Castro's food or drink: "Sam indicated that he had a prospective nominee in the person of Juan Orta, a Cuban official who had been receiving kickbacks payments from the gambling interests, who still had access to Castro, and was in a financial bind. Technical Services Division was requested to produce six pills of high lethal content. Joe O'Connell delivered the pills to Juan Orta. After several weeks or reported attempts, Juan Orta apparently got cold feet and asked out of the assignment." [CIA OS Osborne Memo for DCI 12.9.70 CIA D-000149] The CIA reported "Poison pills were transported to Cuba in late February or March 1961, and delivered them to the man who was to administer them. That man, however, had already lost his position with the Prime Minister's Office and returned the pills after a couple of weeks." [E.H. Knoche to David Belin 3.7.75] In October 1960 CIA Headquarters was advised by a source that STURGIS and Aquiles Chimza "departing Miami Night October 7, 1960, for Cuba to engage in sabotage activities on behalf of Allanza. Western Hemisphere Division Comment: Above information reported today (deleted) by Cuban Revolutionary Front contact in N.Y. (deleted) for Jake Esterline C/Western Hemisphere Division/4 D. PHILLIPS WHW/4/PROP R. Seehafer C/WH/1/FI (deleted)." [CIA FOIA D0022072] Ralph Gilbert Seehafer was in Peru from 1954 to 1959, Ecuador from 1962 to 1963, the Philippines from 1963 to 1968, the Dominican Republic in 1971 and Nicaragua from 1971 to 1973. The FBI generated a report on STURGIS on October 27, 1960, File #MM 2 129 (Bureau File #2-1499).

In early 1960, Alexander Rorke went to Havana to contact Geraldine Isabella Shamma (born March 14, 1905; died June 9, 1989). In September 1960 the G-2 arrested Geraldine Shamma, who was on a mission for exile leader Manuel Artime Buesa. Geraldine Shamma believed Manuel Artime betrayed her:

MEMORANDUM FOR: SA/LD

ATTENTION: Mr. William Sturbitts

SUBJECT: Geraldine Isabella Shamma, with aka's

REFERENCE: Letter of March 8, 1976 from George R. Richards, Attorney for Geraldine Shamma

1. According to information in Agency files, Geraldine Shamman (sic) de Carrera, an American, was detained by the Rebel Army Investigation Department (DIER), at her home in Miramar, on November 5, 1960. Wayne Gilchrist, an Embassy Officer, visited Mrs. Shamma on November 29, 1960. She confided to him that the specific charge against her was that she was the right hand man of the Secretary General of the Cuban Revolutionary Front in Miami, Manuel Artime. Mrs. Shamma further stated that her reported role with the Cuban Revolutionary Front was that of liaison between Manuel Artime and certain Americans (not further identified) interested in the counter-revolutionary movement. Mrs. Shamma told Mr. Gilchrist that she denied to her interrogators that she had anything to do with the Cuban counter-revolutionary movement, but informed him, confidentially, that she was actually working with Artime and his group. She gave no details regarding the type of assistance she had been rendering. Gilchrist noted that for several months before her arrest, Geraldine Shamma was a contact of Major Van Horn, Colonel Erickson S. Nichols and Miss Betty Perkins of the American Embassy's Air Attache Office. During her interrogation by the DIER, Mrs. Shamma was asked why she visited the embassy so often to see the Major and Miss Perkins.

2. There are several references in the Agency files which indicate that the Cuban Intelligence Service believed Mrs. Shamma to be an agent of the CIA. There is absolutely no indication in Agency records indicating that Mrs. Shamma was in any way involved with the CIA.

3. The FRANK FIORINI who allegedly recruited Mrs. Shamma to work for the U.S. Government has never worked for the Agency. Cite Page 252 "Findings" Para 1, STURGIS testified under oath that he had never been employed by the CIA or had ever served it as an agent, informant or other operative.

4. There is no indication in Agency records that the Major Robert Van Horn and Air Force Attache Colonel Nichols (Col. Erickson S. Nichols) cited in the referent letter ever worked for the Agency.

Chris Hopkins

LA/OO G/CIOS 201-242256

Attachment not necessary. (Deleted). [CIA Memo 3.31.76]

STURGIS told the Rockefeller Commission Geraldine Shamma "was an American woman who was married to Captain Shamma. Her marriage name was Suarez. So her name was Geraldine Suarez Shamma. They owned a tobacco business in Cuba which amounted to about $20 million. I recruited her for the Embassy. And her contacts were several people there, or at least one major person, and that was Major Van Horne. Her job was to meet and make contact with top officials in the government, which she did. She had a fabulous home and gave parties. Many of the top military commanders went over to her home. She was the contact with the American Government with the underground organization." STURGIS related, "Because of her activities going back and forth between Miami and Cuba with the underground and the U.S. Government, she was eventually captured and put in a Cuban prison." Geraldine Shamma had rented a safehouse on Brickell Avenue in Miami, where recruits would be screened for MRR membership. MRR, the Movement Of Revolutionary Recuperation, was the political arm of the Bay of Pigs Brigade. STURGIS told Michael Canfield: "She was the go-between for the underground in Havana and the people here. That was Artime's group, MRR. We had a place on Brickell Avenue...that was the meeting place for the MRR organization." Geraldine Shamma: "The Agency paid for it and I maintained it. The boys who came over from Cuba to go into the Brigade would be sent to this safehouse first, and there, they'd be screened by the CIA." HUNT had a nearby apartment. STURGIS told the Rockefeller Commission: "The Cubans who came from Havana would come to the safehouse which she maintained herself with her own money, not CIA money, her own money. BERNARD BARKER would call her up, and she would tell him who was there and he would come over to pick up these Cuban exiles to be sent over to be interrogated or debriefed. This is what BERNARD BARKER would do. And E. HOWARD HUNT, I believe, may have come over there. I don't think he did, but anyway, she met him traveling back and forth from Havana, where she met him I don't know off hand. You would have to ask her." Robert Olsen asked: "You mean you have subsequently heard or learned that she possibly had some contact with HUNT?" STURGIS: "Oh, I knew that for years, because, remember, I was in Brickell Avenue in Miami, too." In December 1960 an FBI informant who lived with STURGIS said that STURGIS claimed he was working with, and being sponsored by, the Agency for some future military action against Castro. [CIA FOIA #73-4] On December 16, 1960 the FBI sent a memo to the Office of Security, Department of State, File #2-1499, subject, STURGIS, Neutrality Matters.

Geraldine Shamma was released from prison in Cuba on March 17, 1963, as a result of a deal arranged by James Donovan. When she landed in Homestead Air Force Base, Florida, she told the press: "If President Kennedy wants to welcome me, he can damn well fly down here!"

STURGIS, Pedro Diaz Lanz and Victor Panque recruited the Buchanan brothers, James and Jerry, for membership in the International Anti-Communist Brigade. James Buchanan, (born April 22, 1937, at Brevard, North Carolina) the senior of the Buchanan brothers, was married to Edna H. Rydzik in January 1963 in Miami Beach. In 1957 James Buchanan worked for the Hollywood Florida Sun until he ran off with the wife of an employee of the City of Hollywood. James Buchanan then became a reporter for The Pompano Beach Sun-Sentinel. While he was at the Sun-Sentinel he had an affair with one of the secretaries there and her husband came to the offices of the paper and threatened to shoot James Buchanan and the secretary. [FBI 105-82555-3787] James Buchanan was the author of a series of articles critical of the Kennedy Administration. In December 1959 Buchanan visited Cuba where he aided in the escape of Austin Young from a Cuban prison. Austin Young had been sentenced to a 30 year term for counter-revolutionary activities. The FBI reported: "Austin Young was recaptured a few days after his escape in a downtown hotel and Buchanan was arrested. Buchanan's lawyer said the reporter will probably have to spend the Christmas holiday in jail while awaiting trial. The military tribunals will be in recess from December 22, 1959 until January 4, 1960 and Cuban civil courts normally recess for about the same period. Mr. Buchanan's case now is before the Cuban Supreme Court, which will determine if he will be tried before a military or civil court. Mr. Castro said in a television speech Thursday night that Mr. Buchanan will have to be tried by revolutionary courts which could either be military or civil. Government officials scoffed at a report of a possible death sentence for the reporter. Mr. Castro himself hinted that it would be a good idea to order Mr. Buchanan 'deported, never to return to Cuba to molest us.'" [FBI 64-44828-a Miami Herald 12.19.59] In September 1962 James Buchanan was quoted as complaining that the Federal Government was interfering in his activities: "The Feds are driving us up the wall. They're haunting the hell out of us, knocking over our weapons shipments and raiding Miami houses."

Jerry Buchanan, Jim Buchanan's brother, 22, attended Riverdale School in Norfolk, Virginia, then served in the Army. He was stationed on the Czechoslovakian border. In June 1959 he was the Subject of a Miami investigation for impersonation based on use of Army identification in the name of Jesse L. Murphy used to cash bad checks. The complaint, which charged Jerry Buchanan with Impersonation, was dismissed at Miami when he was located at Ft. McPherson, Georgia, in April 1959, serving a sentence for AWOL. In September 1961 Jerry Buchanan trained with Rolando Masferrer on No Name Key in Florida: "There were 60 of us" Buchanan said, "About half Cubans and half Americans. The island was mostly swamp and we were sleeping out in the open. In November 1961 a friend of Buchanan had been shot by a Cuban in a training accident. a growing antipathy between the two groups finally led Buchanan to leave the island with the Americans, all of whom subsequently joined FIORINI'S International Anti-Communist Brigade." On May 16, 1961, Jerry Buchanan told his hometown newspaper, The Norfolk-Ledger, "There are hundreds of Americans in Miami right now who'd like nothing better than a crack at giving Castro the boot. Cubans are nice people but, under pressure, they don't remember orders." [N-L 5.16.61] The Buchanan brothers flew supply missions from a secret base in the Bahamas to anti-Castro guerrillas in the Escambray Mountains. Victor Panque helped locate these men. In April 1963 British authorities captured 13 of Cuban exile Orlando Bosch's men on a small West Indies island. Jerry Buchanan was the only American among the 13 arrested. The funds for this anti-Castro action had been furnished by a Chicago-based Cuban exile, Paulino a. Sierra, who collected money from Las Vegas gambling interests. [CIA 201-739,652]

Dr. Paulino Alberto Sierra Martinez was a minister in the Batista Government. He left Havana in 1960 and settled for a time in Miami, where he worked as a translator. Paulino Sierra spoke, read, and wrote, four languages. In 1962 Paulino Sierra moved to Chicago, where he was admitted to the bar and became active in exile affairs. In August 1962 the CIA requested that the FBI run an expedite check on Paulino Sierra. CIA Office of Security records came up negative. [Victor R. White 7.21.62; G. Marvin Gentile, H.K. Clayton 8.30.62]

The CIA reported that on "March 16, 1963, Martin Pella, who is acquainted with Sierra also, said he had learned more from Ceasar Blanco about the Blanco-Sierra meeting with 'gamblers.' Blanco told him that during the latter part of February 1963 he and Sierra were approached by and met with (in Sierra's apartment) Burton M. Mold and John R. Lechner. They said 'We need your brains.' We'd like you to write a document covering the best solution as to how to put together the different political groups of Cuban refugees. They told Ceasar Blanco and Paulino Sierra that they were very familiar with the Cuban situation because they represented substantial investments in Cuba. When asked what investments they mentioned real estate, hotels and 'other operations connected with them.' Ceasar Blanco asked for some names of people to further identify the two and they mentioned Jake Lansky."

Ceasar Blanco having been in charge of Public Order in Havana, recalled Lansky as the brother of Meyer Lansky, U.S. gangster and syndicate man and told Pella that Mold and Lechner had to be from the 'syndicate.' [CIA Subject: U.S. Gambling Syndicate Interest in Cuban Matters] A March 1963 CIA report revealed that Paulino Sierra mentioned an offer of $10 million in backing for guarantees of Cuban gambling concessions after Castro was thrown out.

William Browder was Paulino Sierra's sponsor in Chicago. William Browder told the HSCA he recalled that a man "approached Sierra with an offer of substantial financial assistance to over overthrow Fidel Castro, in exchange for gambling concessions. Mr. Browder said he and Sierra gave this information to the FBI because they did not want Sierra to become involved with gambling interests. As Mr. Browder was then a member of the Chicago Metropolitan Crime Commission, he was sensitive to the ramifications of such involvement." [HSCA Int. 11.29.78 Orr]

William Trull, a Chicago businessman who expressed an interest in financing Paulino Sierra, advised the FBI in June 1963 that Paulino Sierra reported that representatives of Las Vegas gambling interests were offering him $14 million, in exchange for a 50% interest in Cuban gambling concessions, if he could organize the successful ouster of Fidel Castro.

On August 28, 1963 Paulino Sierra was investigated in connection with the American Educational League, Los Angeles. By late August 1963, Paulino Sierra contacted Richard Lauchli to purchase guns. Paulino Sierra asked HEMMING associate Steve Justin Wilson to deliver the guns to Miami. Another HEMMING associate, Dennis Linns Harber, assisted Paulino Sierra in the transport of military equipment. [HSCA V10 p99] Paulino Sierra offered HEMMING associate Joe Garman $11,000 to lead a Cuban raid. [Hinckle Deadly Secrets p206] An FBI document generated on September 16, 1963, read: "Sierra is Subject of anti-racketeering case being handled by Special Investigative Division in view of possibility Sierra (deleted) is being backed by the criminal element. This matter had been discussed with Special Investigative Division which has no objection to our proposed investigation." [FBI 105-124049-1, 5] In September 1963 Carlos Prio Soccarras announced that he was joining forces with Paulino Sierra and other exiles to form a force independent of that of Manuel Artime. [CIA TDCS DB-3/656,908 - 9.27.63] On October 11, 1963, the FBI in Miami was investigating Paulino Sierra for Neutrality Violations. [FBI 105-124049] On October 15, 1963, the CIA reported that Paulino Sierra's group "has made a pact with group of Subject 201-326,634 for collaboration raid against Habana oil refinery."

HEMMING told this researcher in 1994: "Sierra came down and tried to recruit us and flashed a lot of money and connections. Mob/Teamster money. Sierra dealt mostly through intermediaries. He's an aristocrat. I dealt with him personally." When the CIA did a document search on HEMMING it discovered a document titled "Frente Revolutionario 68A01 B, 68A01 N Span Madrid 68A01Q Hdqs. 68A01U Agency IN 89504 200 300-58 April 11, 1968, Unable to Locate Original." a further search turned up this additional information: "FRENTE REVOLUTIONARIO not identifiable. P.3 HEMMING GERALD PATRICK T 309125 temp chg to mc Holmes CI/EXO HEMMING GERALD PATRICK (Deleted)-7632 February 11, 1963, - 201-351 547 (Deleted) 7619 May 1, 1963, 201-337 938 IP Files."

On October 22, 1963, Paulino Sierra was in Miami where he gave Cuban exile Manuel Aguilar money to purchase weapons from Steve Justin Wilson. Steve Justin Wilson took the money and refused to give Manuel Aguilar the weapons.

The Miami Police Department reported: "Received call to 135 SW 19th Avenue Apt #2 at 1:59 a.m. October 11, 1963, supposed armed robbery by Cuban Male Rafael Hernandez of 135 SW 19th Avenue Apt #2 which happened at Riviera Supermarket. Complainant Aguilar with friend, Manuel Beraza, stated that Subject Hernandez and friend Steve Wilson attempted to sell them a car. At Riviera Supermarket complainant states after questioning that he was not really buying a car, but was completing a purchase of guns and ammunition from Subject. He states that he gave a $400 deposit to Subject two days ago and made date to meet Subject at Riviera Supermarket to pick up guns and pay $642.00 more to complete the deal. Complainant states that Subject came to market in car with a large wooden crate in the trunk, supposedly holding guns etc. Complainant states Subject transferred crate to his car and then he took out the money to pay Subject, but decided to open crate first. He states Subject's friend put a gun in his back and Subject took the $642 and fled in car. Complainant opened crate and found concrete blocks, grass inside...Original owner of money was Paulino Sierra who donated it to Complainant who is head of FRAC: Frente Revolutionario Anti-Communista. All money was recovered." [Miami Police Report 10.15.63 CR 7906] Manuel Aguilar Alvarez, was born June 3, 1929 in Havana. He came to the United States in 1961 from Cuba in a small boat to Key West.

In October 30, 1963, Paulino Sierra's boat was seized by government agents. The CIA reported: "Source: a member of a group of Cuban emigres trained in the techniques of information collection. This group has provided useful reports for over two years. This information was obtained from Manuel Lozano Pino. Manuel Lozano Pino, member of Dr. Paulino a. Sierra's Organizing Committee says that the group intends to institute a suit over the seizure of the PITUSA I by U.S. Government agents. It is the opinion of the committee members that there was no reason for stopping the craft when it was being transported by trailer to Key West by Dennis Lynn Harber. The members maintain that no offense was committed at the time the boat was intercepted." [CIA 201-737,652 11.2.63] On November 7, 1963, Paulino Sierra was investigated by the Miami FBI, in connection with Alpha-66. [FBI 121010 NR 11.7.63] On November 14, 1963, the CIA reported that the secretary of Paulino Sierra's organizing committee resigned because of a disagreement over Paulino Sierra's pact with "leftist" organizations such as the 30th of November Movement: "Sierra had agreed to finance the operations of these organizations in return for which the leaders would support Sierra's aspirations to be Cuban President for 18 months [following liberation]." [CIA F82-0430/210]

In January 1959 HUNT said that he advocated the immediate assassination of Fidel Castro and that the Eisenhower Administration had turned down his recommendation. On November 30, 1959, HUNT was suspended from the CIA for one day for the unauthorized recording of safe combinations. HUNT had recorded his safe combination on the bottom of his pen holder. This was discovered during a Security Sweep by the Marine Guards.

In April 1960 HOWARD HUNT established the Cuban Democratic Revolutionary Front or Cuban Revolutionary Front or FRD in Mexico City. The formation of the Cuban Revolutionary Front was announced there on June 22, 1960. HUNT found the Mexican political climate unfavorable for the establishment of a permanent Cuban government-in-exile. The location of the Cuban Revolutionary Front was changed to the United States. The proclaimed purpose of the Cuban Revolutionary Front was to install a democratic government in Cuba through military force recruited mostly from the Cuban exile community in Miami. The Cuban Revolutionary Front leadership excluded Batista-connected exiles, but the organization of Rolando Masferrer existed on its periphery.

Justo Carrillo was the former president of the Cuban Industrial Development Bank. He was considered to be a representative of Carlos Prio Soccarras.

The CIA reported: "Arrango was first contracted in September 1948 and used sporadically as a casual informant on Cuban internal politics. a Provisional Operational Approval was granted on August 12, 1959, for use in political action activities. He was debriefed occasionally by the CIA, but after 1960 he was not used operationally." HEMMING told this researcher: "Arrango was Education Minister under Prio. He was Fidel's right hand man until Fidel went to Mexico in 1955. He ran his own anti-Batista group in Cuba. He backed out of the Bay of Pigs plan three months before April 17, 1961. I hooked up with him and started working his operation. He had Bill Harvey supporting him. Harvey and his FBI thugs." Arrango was considered to be a representative of Carlos Prio Soccarras.

Tony Varona, the former Foreign Minister of Carlos Prio Soccarras, was head of the Cuban Revolutionary Front. Tony Varona came to the United States in June 1960 with the help of CIA Case Officer Gerry Droller. [CIA To File From Alien Affairs Officer 6.6.60] Tony Varona worked closely with HUNT: "HUNT was the one that had to approve any propaganda plans that we were having or also approve the payment of the expenses incurred by such plans. Also, he approved trips of certain individuals around South America to make propaganda efforts...HUNT told me to go to Guatemala." [Varona's HSCA Test.]

Manuel Artime was the "golden-boy" of the CIA's Cuban Revolutionary Front. He was the leader of MRR, (Movement Of Revolutionary Recuperation) which began as a support group for the MIRR (Insurrectional Movement Of Revolutionary Recuperation) guerrillas in the Escambray Mountains. Other founders of MRR included Higinio "Nino" Diaz, Michael Yabor and Richardo Lorie.

Manuel Artime was born in Cuba, on January 29, 1932. His father was a member of the Spanish Communist Party who became a naturalized Cuban citizen. This led to much speculation whether Manuel Artime was a Castro double-agent. Manuel Artime graduated from the University of Havana in 1949 and attended a Jesuit-run Medical School, but never obtained a medical degree. [CIA FOIA/PA Req. #59,997] In medical school, Manuel Artime ran a Catholic student group which opposed Fulgencio Batista. In late 1958 Manuel Artime went to the Sierra Maestre, where he joined a student guerilla group and fought against Batista's troops in several engagements. From 1958 to 1959, Manuel Artime was a second chief officer in the Cuban revolutionary army. Manuel Artime became a leader of the MRR (Movement of Revolutionary Recuperation). In 1959 Fidel Castro put Manuel Artime in charge of collective farming, but Manuel Artime had an argument with Ché Guevara. On October 29, 1959, Manuel Artime resigned his INRA (Institute of Agrarian Reform) command post, and accused Fidel Castro of planning to communize Cuba. When Fidel Castro ordered Raoul Castro to kill him, Manuel Artime went underground. He was hidden by the Havana CIA Station during a nationwide search. Manuel Artime joined pediatrician Orlando Bosch, [201-299,292], and formed MIRR, (Insurrectional Movement of Revolution and Recovery) an anti-Castro group that operated within Cuba. Orlando Bosch had been the former chief of Fidel Castro's 26th of July Movement in Las Villas Province, Cuba. Four other former Castro Army officers and 100 deserters left for the Escambray Mountains in August 1960 and formed the nucleus of MIRR. According to STURGIS: "Orlando Bosch was a rebel leader in the Escambray Mountains. He had a group of approximately 1,500 guerrillas there. The CIA was maintaining this guerrilla force up to a point where orders came down that the guerrilla forces and activities had to be stopped. So naturally one of the boys came over with the military commander of this guerrilla force in Cuba, came over to try to make contact in the local area with the CIA or personal contact in order to continue the supply of these forces in the Escambray Mountains."

Sometime in 1960 BERNARD BARKER exfiltrated Manuel Artime from Cuba to Mexico aboard a Honduran ship. In April 1960 Manuel Artime entered the United States from Mexico, where "he was alleged to have the CIA job for recruiting former Batista military men for sabotage activities in Cuba." In April 1960 HUNT recruited him for the Cuban Revolutionary Front. That month, CIA Office of Security Chief Sheffield Edwards requested an FBI records check on Manuel Artime.

Circa April 1960 Guatemala President Ydigoras Fuentes gave the CIA permission to operate in his country. The Guatemalan CIA Chief of Station secured the use of a large plantation, owned by Roberto Alejos, that was immediately turned into a training base for the Cuban Revolutionary Front. [HUNT Day p27, 29] HUNT'S associate in PB SUCCESS, Guatemalan Chief of Station Robert K. Davis, aided HUNT in this effort. Tony Varona reported that "HUNT had him meet with Roberto Alejos in a Miami Hotel for the purpose of obtaining land in Guatemala. Varona believes it was arranged between President Ydigoras and the United States at a higher level than the CIA." On March 27, 1961, the Chief of the CIA's Alien Affairs Staff arranged for Cuban exiles Miro Cardona, Tony Varona and Manuel Artime to be readmitted to the United States along with Guatemalan citizens Roberto Alejos and Carlos Hevia.

Victor Manuel Panque y Batista (201-286,382) assumed military leadership of MRR in Miami and organized a infiltration team to re-enter Cuba to continue MIRR operations. Victor Panque was born September 22, 1918 in Holguin, Oriente Province, Cuba. His formal education was short. From 1934 until 1942 he worked as a farmhand together with his father. In 1942 he had four months of military training and then served two years as an infantry private at the Military Base, Managua, Province of Havana, Cuba. Released from military service in 1944 he found employment as a waiter and bartender in various barrooms in Holguyin. He worked in this field until October 13, 1956, when he joined the 26th of July Movement and was appointed chief of all clandestine activity against the Batista regime for the Northern Coast of Oriente Province. Victor Panque was arrested by the police of Bayamo, Oriente Province, sentenced to one year in prison by the Tribunal of Santiago De Cuba for conspiracy against the Batista regime. He served his sentence and was released on November 22, 1957. On November 27, 1957 he was appointed by the Castro organization Chief of Political Action, Sabotage and Violent Assaults, for Las Villas Province. He organized a "Front" on the North Coast of Las Villas which was eventually replaced by columns headed by Ché Guevara and Camillo Cienfuegos. In October 1958 Victor Panque was chief of action for the Province of Pinar del Rio, Havana, and Matanzas and the area east of Havana. This operation took place between November 1959 and December 1959. From January 1, 1959, to January 5, 1959, the headquarters of Victor Panque were located at the Sports Palace of Havana and when Fidel Castro entered the city, Victor Panque turned over full control to his leader. On January 5, 1959, Victor Panque was appointed Chief of the Revolutionary Army 5th Military District of Havana. He held this post for 22 days. In March 1959 he was made Chief of Public Order in the General Staff of the Rebel Army. In April 1959 Fidel Castro made him Chief of the Rural Police of Cuba. He was given full authority to set up and organize military schools for training a new rural police force. He established a school to train this force. None of the instructors there had been associated with the Communist Party of Cuba. Toward the end of October 1959 Castro was throughly disillusioned with the anti-Communist political attitude of the training school. He dissolved it and assigned its staff teaching jobs at the Peasant Militia schools. This decision was preceded by numerous violent arguments between Victor Panque and Fidel Castro and convinced Victor Panque that Fidel Castro was a Communist. On November 9, 1959, Victor Panque was removed from his post as Chief of Public Order and Chief of Rural Police. He was appointed administrator general of a large state-owned truck company. In spite of this prestigious position Victor Panque escaped Cuba by small boat in 1960 and was picked up by an American tanker after drifting for 14 hours. He came to the United States on September 3, 1960. The CIA reported: "Various reports indicate that

(1) When Panque arrived in the U.S. on or about September 7, 1960, he first stayed in the home of Dr. Orlando Bosch, suspected Castro agent and possible DGI member in Miami.

(2) He was associated with Carlos Rodriguez Castro, reported by an FBI source as a possible plant in anti-Castro organizations in U.S.

(3) Before he left Cuba, Panque spent two hours with Raoul Castro.

(4) A Major Sanjenis, former G-2 Chief who, in 1960, was serving 10 years on the Isle of Pines, stated that Victor Panque tried to give the impression that he was against the Castro Government but in reality was a Cuban Government agent. [CIA report from Joaquin Pedromo Sanjenis - dated September 21, 1960]

(5) That the general manager of the Pepsi Cola company said that Panque had gone to Miami but was a member of G-2."

According to a report dated October 6, 1960, prepared by another office of this agency members of the Student Group at the University of Havana reported the presence in Miami of two Castro 'plants' said to be DGI agents. One of these was Victor Panque. The information in this report came from a United States national with business contacts in the Latin American areas." [To: Ass. C. Of Staff Dept. Army Atten: Interagency Source Register. Subject: Panque SD-10237]

The CIA received a report on March 31, 1962, which indicated that Victor Panque was the organizer of a hunger strike group and was the first speaker at a rally to urge the United States to give arms to exiled Cubans. The CIA reported: "Victor Panque was the first speaker. He advised the audience that the "Hunger Strike to Death" took place to show JFK that the Cubans are willing to die in exile if their right to defend Cuba from Communism is negated. The motto of the strike is 'Hunger or War.' The strike was primarily initiated to ask for arms for the Cubans in exile. He also stated that the compatriots in Cuba are asking in despair what the Consejo is doing to solve the Cuban problem. In answer to that question Panque said the Consejo has done nothing and means nothing in the USA and Cuba. The Consejo should step aside and allow action people to take over the direction of the Cubans in exile." Luis Conte Aguerro also spoke at this rally. [CIA 201-286,382]

In 1964 the CIA concluded: "(Deleted) - 17153, August 10, 1964, discounted some of the foregoing and said that there had been reports that Victor Panque had been on Castro's list of officers to be eliminated and that he had been in touch with anti-Castro groups in the Escambray before he fled Cuba. Moreover, he was given a polygraph examination on August 4, 1964, with positive results. The Station requested a (deleted) and commo clearance as soon as possible. The (deleted) was granted on November 13, 1964. Victor Panque was granted a Provisional Operational Approval on November 14, 1964, for use by (deleted), which was canceled October 13, 1965. (Deleted) 23382, October 5, 1965, reported that Victor Panque was to be terminated as of October 31, 1965, because there was no immediate operational use for him." In 1967 the CIA reported "Victor Manuel (Panque) Batista 201-282,382 Station has not had contact with Subject since his termination." [CIA 12.30.67 100-300-17 00005]

During a deposition in HUNT v. ajweberman, STURGIS explained MRR and MIRR were two different groups: "The MIRR was a group headed by Dr. Orlando Bosch, who broke off from the MIRR in Cuba and formed his own organization that was the MIRR. Manuel Artime never worked in the MIRR. Remember, there are two different organizations, two different leaders. Dr. Bosch was the leader of the MIRR. I just want to specify that, you know."

Associates of MRR in the United States included Alexander Rorke, William Johnson and STURGIS. The HSCA reported that STURGIS and William Johnson provided the CIA information on Cuban exile activities. A highly deleted FBI document read: "FRANK FIORINI is presently cooperating and associating with Orlando Bosch..." [CIA Secret Document F.O. Case # deleted]

In late 1961 Orlando Bosch was given CIA support and relocated to a camp at Homestead, Florida. Orlando Bosch, however, came to the conclusion the camp was an exercise in futility. He believed that the CIA had no intention of mounting another invasion of Cuba, or of even initiating guerrilla attacks. Unofficially, his CIA contact confirmed these suspicions. After nine months of inactivity, Orlando Bosch sent a complaint to President Kennedy and then he closed down the camp. On January 11, 1962, the CIA'S PM (Para-Military) stated that it maintained contact with Orlando Bosch through Case Officer (Deleted). [Memo For Chief of Operations. Subject PM Contact with the Constitutional Thesis (Garceran)]

MIRR engaged in a series of bombing raids over Cuba aimed at destroying Cuba's sugar-producing capacity. It also conducted air strikes against a MIG base in Cuba. The Justice Department charged Orlando Bosch with sponsoring these attacks. Orlando Bosch was acquitted with the help of sympathetic Federal judges like Emmett Choate who had stated: "I hope the American people are wise enough when they elect another President. I'm a staunch Republican; but I don't care whether he's a Republican or Democrat or a Socialist, if necessary, so long as he's a patriot and he'll do everything he can to wipe out this communistic influence that seems to pervade at times through our Capitol; namely Washington, D.C." [SD Fla 70-389-Cr-EC] Orlando Bosch felt betrayed by the Kennedy Administration and the CIA.

The founder of the Christian Democratic Movement, Dr. Jose Ignacio Rasco, was a delegate to the Cuban Revolutionary Front. Jose Ignacio Rasco was a 35-year old former lawyer and professor who founded the Christian Democratic Movement during early 1960 in Cuba. Initially, this group, consisting of several hundred people, had supported the Cuban revolution in general terms, although it was critical of communist infiltration of the Castro movement. The Christian Democratic Movement also strongly advocated private property and the free enterprise system and warned against Castro's attacks on these institutions. As a result, the group found itself increasingly at odds with Castro's policy and by April 1960 Christian Democratic Movement leaders decided they could no longer operate freely in Cuba. On May 18, 1960, Jose Ignacio Rasco took refuge in the Ecuadorian Embassy, Havana, at the same time blasting Castro for his failure to hold elections and his tolerance of communist infiltration. Rasco was granted safe conduct and came to Miami on April 22, 1960. On May 3, 1960, the CIA's Office of Security made hotel reservations in New York City for Jose Ignacio Rasco for four days. By June 1960 Jose Ignacio Rasco had met with HUNT and aligned the Christian Democratic Movement with the Cuban Revolutionary Front. The Christian Democratic Movement was comprised of many former members of Fidel Castro's military including Victor Panque, however, the FBI reported: "The MDC had about 1,000 men operating in Havana and Pinar del Rio Provinces prior to the April invasion. They are led by Captain Ruben Carcines, a career military man who had an office job under Batista. The group is made up of persons who are former supporters of Batista but who did not participate in any strong man operations." [NO DA file-interview with Quigora p6; FBI 97-4133 NR 1.31.62] Pedro Diaz Lanz was a member of the Christian Democratic Movement. [HSCA V10 p72; HUNT Day p12; Facts On File NY 62 Lib. Cong. Cat. #64-16075] In late 1960 there were indications that the leaders of the Christian Democratic Movement were impatient with waiting for action and were becoming mistrustful of Cuban Revolutionary Front leadership. Beginning in November 1960, the Christian Democratic Movement occasionally initiated independent actions without consulting the Cuban Revolutionary Front. [FBI 97-4110 NR 191 3.24.61] The January 27, 1961, issue of the Washington Daily News reported that Rasco predicted that acts of great importance including sabotage and something more than sabotage. In February 1961 the FBI Office in Springfield, Missouri, requested permission from Washington, D.C. to open a case on the Christian Democratic Movement. The Springfield office was advised that the Christian Democratic Movement was a member of the Cuban Revolutionary Front and: "The Bureau has advised on a need-to-know basis that (deleted). The Bureau has instructed that no investigation is to be conducted of Cuban Revolutionary Front and member organizations, but any information received should be furnished to the Bureau." [FBI 97-4110-28 2.6.61]

After the Bay of Pigs, the Christian Democratic Movement split into two factions. One group was headed by Laureano Batista Falla and the other by "Lucas." "Lucas" worked with the successor to the Cuban Revolutionary Front, the Cuban Revolutionary Council, while Laureano Batista Falla dissociated the Christian Democratic Movement from the Cuban Revolutionary Council. The FBI stated: "On June 5, 1961, (deleted). In late May 1961 the Christian Democratic Movement disassociated itself from the Cuban Revolutionary Front on a national basis and it was believed that other anti-Castro groups had also dropped out of the Cuban Revolutionary Front, for one reason or another." [FBI 97-4110 Chicago 6.6.61] On May 16, 1961, the Chief of the CIA's Contact Division L/A Branch received this report from Robert P. B. Lohmann of Chicago: "Richard Cain (our private eye) passed the following on to me...He was hired as a bodyguard for Jose Rasco during Rasco's visit to Chicago last week and he heard details of some of the covers that took place. One Manny Fefferman, described by Cain as a 'thief, a sharpie with an arrest record' has been given the authority to collect funds for the Christian Democratic Movement by Rasco. When Cain told Rasco that Fefferman was no good, Rasco answered that some of the money was bound to be turned over out of Fefferman's collections and that the Christian Democratic Party needs all it can get. That Abascal, a delegate of the Christian Democratic Party was to see Robert Kennedy last weekend to try and get U.S. dollars switched from the Varona/Cuban Revolutionary Front/OA to the Christian Democratic Party and if they fail, to enlist the aid of Adenauer of West Germany, to intercede for them, in his capacity with the German Christian Democratic Party, with President Kennedy. That there are very bitter arguments and serious splits among the groups over which is to get control of the dollars." [Richard Cain file #272141 5.17.61] From March 10, 1962, to March 12, 1962, Laureano Batista Falla was one of the organizers of the hunger strike in Miami. Batista officially ended the strike. On August 19, 1963, the FBI generated an airtel and an LHM about the Christian Democratic Movement that was withheld except for the paragraph: "It is noted that the Cuban Revolutionary Council is a unity group of anti-Castro organizations presided over by Antonio Varona, former Prime Minister in Cuba. Artime is the head of the MIRR and Batista is the head of one of the MDC factions." [FBI 109-584-3681]

The CIA reported: "There were indications that Subject attempted to use his personal influence with the (deleted) to have his assignment there extended, but he returned to the United States in June 1960 and was assigned to Mexico City on Project (deleted). In November 1960 Subject was re-assigned to Headquarters." [CIA Evans, Fredrick N. Memo 8.30.71]

In late April 1960 HUNT flew to Madrid to debrief a Cuban Military Attache, then flew to Cuba. What he saw in Cuba so appalled him that he vowed to "rid Cuba of Castro and his henchmen regardless of personal cost and effort." He wrote that he recommended to the CIA to "assassinate Castro before of coincident with a Cuban invasion (a job for Cuban patriots). Barnes and Bissell read my report, pondered the recommendations and said that it would weigh in the final planning. (As the months wore on I was to ask Barnes repeatedly about the action on my principal recommendation only to be told it was 'in the hands of a special group.' So far as I have been able to determine no coherent plan was ever developed within CIA to assassinate Castro, though it was the hearts desire of many exile groups." On February 6, 1976, Richard Bissell prepared a statement in which he denied having received a written recommendation of this nature: "I do not recall any communication, written or oral, with HUNT regarding assassination. However, I do not dispute Mr. HUNT'S testimony that I received such a communication. In particular, I do not recall telling HUNT or anyone else that planning for the assassination of Castro was 'in the hands of a special group.' I can only speculate that I would have been referring to the operation of Sheffield Edwards and Jim O'Connell to develop a means of assassinating Castro. I do not believe that any such remark would have referred to the Special Group of the National Security Council." [NARA SSCIA 157-10007-10021 prepared by Frederick D. Baron 2.10.76] HUNT told the SSCIA: "I would like to dilate a bit on that because it never occurred to me that the Agency did not have an assassination capability. This perhaps was as a result of my earlier contact with Colonel Pash or what I heard about him, and that is another reason why I indicated in my written report that this was a job for Cuban patriots. In other words, I was making a clear distinction. I was saying to Mr. Bissell, I don't feel this is something that one of our people ought to do because there are plenty of people who are available on the outside. And then if I can just go off a bit to what happened with that. I asked Mr. Bissell at a later time if any action was being taken on my recommendation, and particularly on my first recommendation, the assassination recommendation. And he told me, he said 'That's in the hands either of a group or the group.' And at this distance in time I simply can't tell what it was he said. But my understanding was at that point contemporaneously that the matter was being looked into and taken care of and indeed, following some of the testimony that I've since read as a result of the Church Committee hearings, it's my understanding that the matter was in hand long before I made my survey trip to Havana. Of course that brings me to the problem now of knowing whether Bissell meant the special group [a subunit of the NSC]." HUNT denied having personally plotted against Fidel Castro during the remainder of his testimony.

Andrew St. George wrote: "E. HOWARD HUNT was a FIORINI friend. It was in one of HUNT'S cloak and dagger books, Bimini Run, that FRANK found his cover name of FRANK STURGIS. [St. George quoted STURGIS] "Killing wasn't in Liddy except for talk. HUNT was different, he was a professional. He'd been a clandestine services officer all his life. That's another thing everyone is snickering about - how HOWARD HUNT tried to assassinate Castro, and Castro is still around, bigger than ever. Alright, but hey, listen, HOWARD HUNT was in charge of a couple of other CIA operations that involved 'disposal' and I can tell you some of them worked." [Andrew St. George, Swank 8.74] When the Rockefeller Commission questioned him about this statement STURGIS "denied ever saying this. HUNT was a political officer and wouldn't have had a hand in killings."

HUNT spent July 1960 to October 1960 in Mexico City. On July 5, 1960, Harry W. Little Jr. Chief, Central Cover Division, sent this memorandum to the Chief, Records and Services Division, about HUNT: "Cover arrangements are in process and or have been completed for above-named Subject. Effective immediately, it is requested that your records be properly blocked to deny Subjects (Deleted) to an external inquirer. This memo confirms an oral request of Richard J. Biladeau." HUNT'S family lived in Washington, D.C., from October 1960 to July 1961. In August 1960 HUNT moved to Miami, where his headquarters was an electronics firm in Coral Gables allegedly involved in government work. HUNT had Geraldine Shamma rent a safehouse on Brickell Avenue in the Fall of 1960. On September 27, 1960, approval was given use of a cover name and false identification that included a Washington, D.C. drivers permit. [Memo C/TSD/IB Attention E.J. McGrath, signed by Joseph F. Langan Chief WH/4/SO (?)] On October 3, 1960, HUNT was given a cover name. On October 21, 1960, HUNT was given a mail drop by Victor R. White. His position with the CIA was described as "a point of contact for political action types connected with the Project. Since the first (?) in July 1960 he has been utilized in this same capacity in Mexico City. Documentation being issued consists of a (deleted) and various club and organization and carrying a (deleted) address." The same finance officer who had worked with HUNT on the overthrow of Arbenz gave him $150,000 in cash for distribution to deserving exile groups. The training of Cuban exiles was progressing well in Guatemala. Hit-and-run strikes against Cuba increased, as did internal sabotage.

The CIA stated: "A cable from Montevideo, dated November 6, 1960, indicates that HUNT had written former Uruguayan contacts commenting that he was working on the Cuban problem and publishing an anti-Castro newspaper in Miami. It was recommended that the Subject be warned about such indiscreet remarks, but apparently no action was taken." Bruce Solie of CIA Office of Security Research Staff had his Deputy investigate HUNT: "Attached is a copy of a cable which was brought to my attention by Mr. O'Neal, CI/SIG. Mr. Horton had requested that Mr. O'Neal check concerning any information developed by OS." [CIA Solie Memo 1.24.61]

The Coast Guard began interfering with exile operations against Cuba in late 1960. [HUNT Day p70] CIA supply missions to Manuel Artime and the Cuban guerrilla counterparts of the Cuban Revolutionary Front were halted. HUNT commented, "It's as though Castro was a friend." In November 1960 John F. Kennedy was elected President. The Cuban exile community was jubilant - until recruitment for the Guatemalan training base was suddenly stopped, paralyzing project activity.

Gerry Droller (aka Frank Bender), a former OSS man who had been a resistance organizer behind Nazi lines, and had worked with HUNT on the overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz, told HUNT not to worry: "After NIXON and Allen Dulles have briefed Kennedy it will be full speed ahead: Kennedy campaigned on a promise to back them." Gerry Droller interviewed Fidel Castro on behalf of the CIA. Fidel Castro persuaded Gerry Droller that he was a nationalist and an anti-communist. [HUNT Day p75; Hinckle & Turner Deadly Secrets p30]

On December 20, 1960, in reference to HUNT, "An (deleted) for (Deleted) obtained in Washington, D.C." On September 30, 1960 a '(deleted) Washington, D.C. The primary purpose of the (deleted) was to (deleted). The owner of the premises referred to is a matter of previous record. File #23, 500."

Some idea of HUNT and Gerry Droller's operations in 1960 was provided by Mrs. Clark Velentiner, who rented a room next to one that was chosen by Gerry Droller for meeting between himself, Manuel Artime, Nino Diaz, Ricardo Lorie, William Kent, Manuel Goudie, Bernard Reichhardt, Sanchez Arrango and Michael Yebor. Four of the men were members of the Cuban Revolutionary Front. Bender started out by saying how disturbed he was over the split in the MRR and how unhappy he was with it. "An additional point, sometime in the conversation, Bender raised the point that the Frente was stalling on him; for instance in its dragging its feet on the move to Mexico which had been recently brought to their attention again by his and Bender's associate, HUNT..." Richardo Lorie was mentioned by HUNT in Give Us This Day. He was described as a Castro partisan who defected early.

FBI Special Agent Davis indicated that at 3:00 p.m. on July 19, 1960, a call was received from Mrs. Clark Valentiner, wife of executive of the Continental Can Company, Havana, Cuba, who reported that she had overheard a discussion of an anti-Castro group...Mrs. Valentiner had noticed the license plates of the participants at the meeting conducted in Room 209 at the University Court Resort Hotel. S.A. Davis was to contact Mr. Valentiner for the purpose of determining what she overheard, to tell her to refrain from discussing this matter further with anyone, and also to caution her friends whom she had told of the incident to do likewise. S.A. Davis mentioned that Mrs. Valentiner had returned to her room, 210, at the University Court Motel at 11:30 a.m. and noticed billows of smoke emanating from a crack under her kitchen door. Upon examining the situation, she overheard loud conversing in the connecting room. In listening further Mrs. Valentiner was able to record the conversation in Room 209 by taking copious notes. Mrs. Valentiner believed there were three Cubans present together with two other individuals whose nationality she could not determine but whose names she established to be Frank Bender and (Deleted). One of the Cubans served as an interpreter and Bender spoke with a distinct Germanic accent. Mrs. Clark Velentiner told Davis that Mr. Bender stated during the meeting he was 'hired by the United States to do away with Castro..' Mrs. Clark Velentiner also noted during the meeting references to HOWARD and HUNT, which she surmised to be one HOWARD HUNT. S.A. Davis indicated that he interviewed Mrs. Valentiner in her quarters in the motel on July 20, 1960. The writer, at this point, inquired as to the size of the crack underneath Mrs. Valentiner's kitchen door. Davis answered by stating that it was large (exact dimensions not noted). He further declared that she had mentioned to him that she was able to observe the portion of the leg (to the knee) of many of the individuals participating in the discussion. The writer further queried Davis as to whether she had any knowledge of Spanish. Davis replied that she possesses fluent knowledge of Spanish after having resided in Cuba for ten years. Her husband has lived in Cuba for 30 years. While at the motel Davis observed that she had notes of the conversation which she referred to during the interview. It should be noted that these notes were not confiscated by Davis. Mrs. Valentiner, according to Davis, did a little investigating on her own. After the meeting of the group was over, Frank Bender called National Airlines to confirm his reservations for July 19, 1960. Mrs. Valentiner called National Airlines and determined that Bender was destined for Washington, D.C." Sheffield Edwards conducted an investigation which concluded: "Consideration should be given how these notes should be recovered or destroyed." [CIA EX/ #1 7.20.60 MASH 0257, Ex.3 7.22.60; CIA Syn. File # 219000 8.2.60; NARA ID # 1993.07.26. 09:34:04:060410; CIA Memo for Rec 7,25,60 RJO/pr; CIA Memo for C/WH/4 7.22.60 Droller C/WH/4/PA; CIA #219000 8.2.60]

On September 13, 1960, the FBI reported that "Cuban exiles think the Cuban Revolutionary Front has U.S. support but does not represent the best interests of Cuba. (Deleted) MRR counter-revolutionary organization belonging to the Cuban Revolutionary Front has split in leadership. The Cuban Revolutionary Front backed Manuel Artime as MRR leader. Expelled MRR members, some Authentic Organization members and Pedro Diaz Lanz formed Alliance of Liberation. (Deleted)." On January 12, 1961, the FBI received an Airtel from the SAC of the San Juan, Puerto Rico, FBI Office, which concerned the Cuban Revolutionary Front: "The letterhead memorandum was classified as Secret as the unauthorized disclosure could result in serious damage to the U.S. such as jeopardizing international relations and endangering the effectiveness of a program of vital importance to our national defense. (Deleted) No comment was made to him by S.A. (Deleted) the interviewing agent, concerning the possibility that (deleted)." [FBI 105-87912-143 1.12.61]

William Harvey's established an assassination group within the CIA. Peter Wright stated in 1961 William Harvey told him: "We're developing a new capability [assassination] in the company to handle these kinds of problems." The HSCA interviewed James O'Connell about William Harvey's assassination group. James O'Connell, a former FBI Agent, started as a CIA Operational Support Branch Chief. He then served as the Chief of Station of a domestic field office and became Division Chief of Headquarters Operational Support between 1960 and 1962. In 1962 he was transferred to the Far East, and became Chief Regional Security Officer there. Upon returning to the United States, he assumed the title of Deputy Director for Physical, Technical and Overseas Security of the Office of Security. He retired in June 1973. James O'Connell contacted John Rosselli about Tony Varona. In 1993 the CIA revealed that "When Juan Orta was not successful in carrying out the mission against Fidel Castro, TRAFFICANTE suggested Tony Varona be used. John Rosselli contacted Tony Varona. Tony Varona was to use assets of his own to carry out the mission." HUNT told the SSCIA he served as a paymaster to Tony Varona, but was unaware of Tony Varona's role in an assassination plot against Fidel Castro. Artime told the SSCIA the same.

John Rosselli, born in Italy on July 4, 1905, entered the United States illegally at age six. John Rosselli joined the Capone Mob in Chicago, where he worked for Sam Giancana. When James O'Connell met with Rosselli he first "called Mr. Cregar per our agreement with the FBI." [CIA D-000678]

James O'Connell was asked by the HSCA: "Directing your attention to 1960, did there come a time when you, in your official CIA capacity, became involved in an operation to assassinate Castro?" James O'Connell answered, "Yes, he had." The CIA assassination effort to which James O'Connell referred was supervised by William Harvey. The HSCA asked James O'Connell if he were involved in Phase Two of this assassination plan, which took place about the time of the Bay of Pigs invasion. James O'Connell answered: "Very generally as I remember it, and again I'm calling upon my memory here. And I'm not sure, I remember Giancana meeting one of the members of the Cuban Junta, an individual by the name of Varona. Now whether that was before the Bay of Pigs or after the Bay of Pigs, I'm at a total loss to tell you. That, I think, was part of the Second Phase." [HSCA V5 p251]

James O'Connell was referring to the Cuban Revolutionary Front when he said "Cuban Junta." The HSCA Report stated: "At the time of his introduction into the CIA-organized crime plots, Tony Varona was active in the Cuban Revolutionary Front and the Cuban Revolutionary Council. Adding to the support for the Cuban exile leader were the promotional efforts of Dino and Eddie Cellini...In his HSCA testimony Tony Varona described a meeting with an anti-Castro Cuban and Meyer Lansky in Meyer Lansky's home in Miami in the Summer of 1960." Tony Varona: "Mr. Lansky offered us to conducted (sic) a campaign in the U.S. favoring the Cuban movement and against Castro. At the beginning I accepted his offer. When I met with HUNT afterwards, he told me to discontinue the contacts with this man. And that was it; it ended. I did not ask Mr. HUNT how he knew of my contact with Mr. Lansky."

James O'Connell added that either TRAFFICANTE or Sam Giancana introduced him to Tony Varona, who was given a poison pill to use against Castro. [HSCA Ev. & Imp. CIA Spon. Ass. Con. Against Castro p171]

Tony Varona's assistant for fund raising operations and for public relations matters was Edward Kipper Moss. Edward Moss (born June 23, 1916) was a graduate of Yale University and George Washington University Moss was a highly decorated World War II Navy veteran who had served in government under several Presidents. On October 22, 1962, the CIA considered issuing an Operation Clearance for Edward Kipper Moss. [Response to Green List Request No. 109631] On December 3, 1964, a Routing And Record Sheet on Moss from (deleted) was created which was sent to CA/PAG and (Deleted) 2B-11. Attached to this was a dossier on Edward Moss which indicated that he was a member of many prestigious societies and clubs. Moss was the Public Relations man for several African nations. [Response to Green List Request No. 109631 From Edward P. Dunn CA/PAG] On March 24, 1965, Lewis J. Lapham, Acting Chief, Covert Action Staff, generated a Memorandum to the DD/P regarding Edward Moss:

1. Our records show that (Deleted) NE Division and by CA Staff, for possible use of Subject (deleted) (deleted). The records do not show any use of Moss by either element.

2. So far as CA Staff is concerned, Moss simply is a file under (Deleted) we have no intention of using him. A full bio sketch is available if anyone is interested...CA/PEG/WC Needham: rh..."

The CIA generated this report on Edward Moss.

MEMORANDUM FOR: Deputy Chief, Security Research Staff

FROM: Jerry G. Brown

SUBJECT: Moss, Edward K. #172 646

1. Reference is made to a memorandum, dated February 28, 1968, captioned "Brazil Fishing Venture and Russian Fishing Vessels" submitted by Edwin P. Wilson (#104 653) (deleted) who at the time was a Staff agent (deleted) cover under Domestic Operations Division / Deputy Director Plans. In this memorandum Wilson outlined his 'limited' contacts with Moss. Wilson stated that he had met Moss in 1966 through Frank O'Connell, Washington representative of the Transport Worker's Union. The memorandum also suggests that one of Wilson's business associates, Richard S. Cobb (#503 714), was also having business contracts with Moss.

2. In referenced memorandum, Wilson stated that "subsequent investigation surfaced information and a verbal report from Dunn and Bradstreet recognizing Moss' long standing 'Mafia' connections. Moss' operation seems to be government contracts for the underworld and probably surfaces money in legitimate business activities."

3. The Moss Office of Security file is devoid of any further information concerning potential Mafia connections on his part. The OS file will not be summarized as present, but will be highlighted in a forthcoming memorandum.

4. As a result of the foregoing, research was initiated concerning Moss which resulted in the recovery of an FBI letterhead memorandum, dated January 18, 1961, captioned, "Manuel Antonio Varona, Internal Security, Cuba," containing information furnished to the FBI by a "representative of an Agency of the United States Government." The information the FBI received from the other U.S. Government Agency is as follows:

"A Washington businessman who desires that his name be left out of this record, called on me today and expressed his great concern about the relationships of one of the anti-Castro group leaders with representatives of the so-called International Crime Syndicate. In summary his observations were as follows:

(a) Tony Varona, 201-196,435, is reputed to be the leader of an anti-Castro group in the Miami area. Varona lives in Miami at the present time.

(b) Varona had taken on Edward K. Moss as his assistant for raising funds to finance operations against Castro and for public relations matters. Edward K. Moss had an office address of 1025 Connecticut Avenue, North West, Washington, D.C.

(c)Julia Cellini is alleged to be Moss' mistress and operates a secretarial service at 1025 Connecticut Avenue, North West, Washington, D.C. It is reported her secretarial service is really a front for Edward K. Moss' activities.

(d) Julia's father is reported to have been one of the big numbers racketeers until a few years ago.

(e) Julia Cellini's brother, Dino Cellini, and his brother (FNU) are active fronts for two of the largest casinos that operated in Cuba until the Castro regime.

(f) It is alleged the Cellini brothers are in close contact with Tony Varona, through Edward Kipper Moss, and have offered to contribute considerable sums of money (reported as high as two million dollars) through Edward K. Moss to Tony Varona to finance operations against the Castro regime, with the understanding that they would have the major slice "in the Cuba of the future."

(j) My informant stated that American businessmen are being contacted by Edward K. Moss' organization to solicit funds for Varona's contemplated operations against the Castro regime. The Washington businessman was quite concerned over the impact and potential propaganda value of this alleged connection of Tony Varona and the alleged racketeers in the event this organization is penetrated by Castro's intelligence organization. He enjoys many contacts throughout Latin America and fears that any propaganda stories by the Castro regime regarding such a relationship between Varona, American businessmen and Edward K. Moss' activities would have serious impact on United States prestige throughout Latin America.

5. The referenced FBI letterhead memorandum referred to CSCI 3/762,992 regarding the Cellini brothers, but this CSCI was not recovered when IP traces were conducted in the name of the Cellini brothers mentioned below. The FBI additionally reported that Julia, Dino, Edward and Goffredo Cellini are the children of Benvenuto Cellini and that Dino Cellini is believed to be identical with Dino Vincent Cellini, FBI Number 2198122. The FBI further reported that prior to the fall of the Batista regime in Cuba, that Edward Goffredo Cellini and Goffredo Cellini were known to be the evening manager and afternoon manager, respectively, at the Casino International in Havana, Cuba. Dino Vincent Cellini was formerly employed in the gambling casino at the Tropicana night club in Havana.

7. Polk's Directory reflects that all of the following were living at 8144 Eastern Avenue. N.W. Washington, D.C. phone TU-2-3627: Julia T. Cellini, Consultant, General Services Administration, Adorna Cellini, employee Federal Aviation Administration, Benvenuto Cellini, manager, Piece of Pizza Inc. and Liberata Cellini, wife of Benvenuto.

9. Office of Security File #529 101 concerns Julia T. Cellini. This file was established as result of the recent research relative to the association between Edward K. Moss and Julia T. Cellini. An FBI report was recovered in the name of Rouhi Jamil (Office of Security #36 384), dated June 18, 1957. Apparently the FBI was attempted to determine the subscriber to certain telephone numbers that Jamil was cognizant of, Jamil then being the Syrian Consul General and a member of the Syrian delegation to the United States. Among these numbers was TU-2-3627..." The FBI report concluded with the following statement: "On February 12, 1945, Inspector Baer of the Washington Field Office of the Immigration and Naturalization Service...advised that Julia Cellini had been a procurer and there was some evidence that Dino V. Cellini was also a procurer..."

10. 201-885706 concerns Dino Vincent Cellini, born on November 19, 1914, which was opened in 1971 when an unsolicited dispatch was provided to the (deleted) for information on Dino Cellini who was then living in Rome...the dispatch did reflect that Dino V. Cellini was detained in May 1959 in Havana by Cuban authorities at the request of the U.S. Bureau of Narcotics. Cellini's name had been included in a list published by the U.S. Bureau of narcotics concerning U.S. citizens suspected of dealing in narcotics. Cellini was subsequently released June 1959 for lack of evidence. Dino V. Cellini worked at the Casinos Tropicana and Riviera in Cuba before going to Haiti, and as of 1961, he was residing in Miami, Florida.

11. The April 1970 edition of True Magazine contained an article entitled "The Mafia vs the CIA" by Andrew St. George. This article deals mainly with alleged CIA and Mafia conflicts for "influence" in the Caribbean. The article comments on the activities of Meyer Lansky (Office of Security #623 652) and mentions the name of Lansky's subordinates, one being Dino Cellini.

12. In regard to Julia T. Cellini, the Office of Security file of Subject, Edward K. Moss reflects that from 1950 to 1953, Moss was serving in an appointed position with the United States Government, first as an Assistant Administrator in charge of Public Information, National Production Authority; and then with the Defense Production Administration, both with the Department of Commerce. Moss's secretary during this period was Julia T. Cellini, who later became a close business partner of Moss.

13. The foregoing would suggest that Moss does indeed have potential underworld connections. Jerry G. Brown FIOB/SRS.

[CIA Memo for DC/SRS from Jerry G. Brown 5.14.73; CIA Index Card 138879]

Tony Varona told the HSCA he did not know Edward Kipper Moss or anyone named Cellini.

Robert Aime Maheu was part of William Harvey's assassination effort aimed at Fidel Castro. Robert Maheu [SF #111 540; born October 30, 1917, Waterville, Maine] had been employed as a FBI S.A. from 1940 to 1947. Upon resigning from the Bureau, Maheu formed a private enterprise doing business as "Dairy Dream Products." The venture culminated in bankruptcy in 1952. In 1952 he became Security Director of the Small Business Administration. In February 1954, he was forced to resign from the Small Business Administration because of political reasons, determined to be the result of his backing the wrong political party in the election. He then set up his own investigative organization known as Robert A. Maheu Associates. Prior to 1954 the CIA component NE/NS had an interest in Maheu.

In 1954 Maheu received a Cover Security Approval from Central Cover Staff. Maheu was recruited by the Office of Security of the CIA to perform certain operational support activities: "He was initially recruited by the Office of Security in 1954 and granted a Provisional Operational Approval on August 30, 1954.He performed many sensitive Office of Security assignments and also accepted assignments from elements of the Deputy Director for Plans.

5. Some of these assignments included the following :

A. (Deleted)

B. Johnny Rosselli. The use of a member of the Mafia in an attempt to assassinate Fidel Castro, initiated in August 1960. (See attached Tab 2---taken from 'Family Jewels' memorandum dated May 16, 1973)

C. Cover. Various Clandestine Service officers met with Mr. Maheu over the years from March 1954 to 1970 to determine the feasibility of using his firm for (deleted) purposes. (deleted) (See attached Tab 3 - Director of Security Memorandum to Director / Counter-Intelligence January 20, 1971.)

6. No contact had been made with Mr. Maheu since the termination of the above (deleted) arrangement." [CIA Eyes Only Memo 10.4.73]

In 1954 Robert Maheu received $500 a month from the OS.

The CIA reported: "In July 1954, Maheu was engaged by 'British shipping interests' to check on Aristotle Onassis' activities while in the United States. This included technical coverage of the New York office of Aristotle Onassis. It was later learned that the principal 'British interest' was Stavros Niarchus and that the ultimate goal of this task was to scrap the Onassis/Saudi oil deal. Maheu took the job but conditioned his acceptance with the fact that he would do nothing inimical to the U.S. Government. Any information developed of interest to the United States was to be passed by Maheu to the appropriate government agency. During this operation Maheu had his staff employee prepare a paper citing dangers to the U.S. economy and trade resulting from the Onassis deal. Through contacts in FOA, Maheu had Harold Stessen read this paper in the National Security Council on June 22, 1954. During the same period Maheu briefed Scott McLeod, Assistant Secretary of State for Security and Consular Affairs on the project. McLeod agreed to furnish State commo and pouch facilities subject to John Foster Dulles' approval. Additionally, Maheu briefed J. Edgar Hoover and Vice President Nixon. In August 1954 Maheu advised this office of his relationship with Niarchus. (2 pages deleted). In August 1960 Richard M. Bissell, the then DD/P contacted the Director of Security regarding the Rosselli matter. Details concerning this are set forth in Attachment B."

In May 1958 the Far Eastern Division recruited Maheu for a project:

SUBJECT: Project (Deleted)

1. May 1958 - FE Division initially contacted Director of Security and briefed him on Project. Basically Project capitalized on President Sukarno's weakness for women, especially Caucasian. Because of our inability to get controlled assets close to him to determine his thinking and plans, and the recent apparent success of Soviets use of a woman, believed he may let down guard and become expansive in discussions of plans with a female and accept advice that he would not ordinarily accept from a man.

2. Object: Locate intelligent, attractive, emotionally stable and trustworthy female who would accept an assignment which would involve an eventual intimate relationship with Sukarno.

3. January 1958 - Gave Robert Maheu assignment to locate candidate. He advised that a prominent (Deleted) attorney and man about town, (Deleted) could come up with a qualified woman. Maheu told (Deleted) he had a 'client' whose business was not prospering in a unidentified country. Felt could improve situation if an attractive and intelligent female could get to him and, through feminine charm, persuade his thinking in a more favorable direction.

4. (Deleted) was investigated with favorable results and given CSA on July 2, 1958, but not made witting of CIA interest.

5. Candidate (Deleted) a well-to-do widow, approximately 35 years old, resident of (deleted) considered highly intelligent and extremely attractive.

6. August 1958 - Project (Deleted) concurred by COPS and DCI.

7. August 27, 1958 - Joseph Smith, FE Division, introduced to Maheu as Joseph Sims.

8. Smith emphasized need for a solid cover story and backstopping. Maheu suggests, in view of (Deleted's) close relationship with movie colony, may induce (Deleted) who represents several movie interests, to set up an arrangement that would also include necessary funding mechanisms.

9. September 23, 1958. Maheu and O'Connell, Security, met with (Deleted) in New York City (Hampshire House). Agreed, if cooperative, would brief him regarding Agency interest and objective of Project to get maximum effort from him. He responded enthusiastically and offered his complete service and facilities to set up a secure cover mechanism. He suggested that (Deleted) be told of general Government interest (not CIA) at the outset due to her sharp perceptiveness which may cause her to speculate at later date.

10. Cover Story - (Deleted) would commission her to perform an "on location survey" in certain Far Eastern areas for the proposed filming of "Journey to the Center of the Earth." This could be done very naturally because (deleted) has the rights to the film and is contemplating shooting it in near future.

11. September 23, 1958 - (Deleted) arrived New York City (St. Regis). Maheu met her alone for the first time and told her of Government interest. She seemed to be relieved of certain misgivings she had of assignment. (She knew the true identity of Maheu, having been introduced to him socially by (Deleted). She also knew that he had a public relations organization).

13. September 24, 1958 - "Sims" again met with (Deleted) at which time she was told she would be accompanied by a female traveling companion, (Deleted GS-12). Would ostensibly be her secretary, but would be, in fact, the person she would look to for direction.

15. Cover arrangements were completed by (Deleted). He arranged for (Deleted) to carry a letter of introduction from (Deleted) to a (Deleted) his representative in Indonesia. (Deleted) known to Sukarno. Also arranged to have funds placed in the Indonesian branch of Twentieth Century Fox in Djarkarta

16. Records of this Office do not reflect any of the activities of (Deleted) during the course of her mission. It is believed that she left for Indonesia sometime in January 1959. It is known that she did meet Sukarno, but due to unfortunate timing that had him leaving his country on official business, she had little time to cultivate him; consequently the purpose of the mission was not fulfilled. It should be noted that Sukarno took sufficient notice of her that during the unofficial visit to the United States in June 1959, he expressed a strong desire to see her and did.

When President Sukarno visited Los Angeles in April 1961 Robert Maheu arranged for female companionship to "insure a satisfied visit." [CIA to DDS from Dir. Sec. 6.20.66] Maheu threw a party for Sukarno where he was introduced to (Deleted). They became friends and Sukarno said that he wished to meet her in New York. This relationship received publicity in Los Angeles so the CIA set up a safe house where Sukarno could meet his paramour: "During the stay at the Long Beach site, (Deleted) discussed the publicity in the case at some length with Security representative. She speculated about the possible sources of certain personal information that she felt had been leaked to the press. She spoke of her deep feeling for Sukarno and commented on how Mr. (Deleted) had initially sought her out to serve as a party companion for Sukarno. At the same time she said she was unclear as to just what part Mr. (Deleted) wanted her to play and in attempting to clarify his request, (Deleted) said, 'I am employed by the CIA. We want you to go to bed with him.' (Deleted) continued to say that she rejected the proposal, but finally went to the party and that it developed that the relationship between her and Sukarno transcended what had been suggested...There is no record or indication in any of the files in this case that involves Robert Maheu by name or reference. Maheu, as we understand it, never was introduced to (Deleted) and, as far as can be determined, (Deleted) 'fronted' for all arrangements." Third party personal information, deletions and attached memo's re "Project Deleted" and "Project Deleted" were withheld from research.

On April 9, 1959, John C. Richards, a Security Officer from the International Organization Division, sent a memo to the Chief, Security Support Division: "Reference is made to our telephone conversations concerning Subject: IO/4 would like a CSA granted Subject to permit them to talk to him in order to discuss an activity which he has proposed in connection with international labor." On June 4, 1959 Maheu was granted a Provisional Operational Approval and he was granted another POA for "Subject's use in the U.S. and Jordan indicating that Subject may be employed by the King of Jordan to handle Jordanian public relations in the U.S. Per discussion with Mr. J. O'Connell, sufficient Security Office investigation has already taken place."

SUBJECT: The Johnny Rosselli Matter:

1. In August 1960 Mr. Richard Bissell approached the then Director of Security, Colonel Sheffield Edwards, to determine if the Office of Security had any assets that may assist in a sensitive mission requiring gangster-type action. The mission target was Fidel Castro.

2. Because of its extreme sensitivity, only a small group was knowledgeable of the project. The DCI was briefed and gave his approval. Colonel J.C. King, Chief, Western Hemisphere Division, was briefed, but all details were concealed from any of the JMWAVE officials. Certain TSD and Communications personnel participated in the initial planning stages but were not witting of the purpose of the mission.

3. Robert Maheu, a cleared source of the Office of Security was contacted, briefed generally on the project, and requested to ascertain if he could develop an entree into gangster elements as the first step toward accomplishing the desired goal.

4. Mr. Maheu advised that he had met one Johnny Rosselli on several occasions while visiting Las Vegas. Maheu knew Rosselli only casually through clients but had been given to understand that Rosselli was a high ranking member of the Syndicate and controlled all of the ice making machines on the Strip. Maheu reasoned that, if Rosselli was in fact a member of the clan, he undoubtedly had connections leading into Cuban gambling.

5. Maheu was asked to approach Rosselli, who knew Maheu as a personal relations executive handling domestic and foreign accounts. Maheu was to tell Rosselli that he had recently been retained by a client who represented several international business firms which were suffering heavy financial losses in Cuba as a result of Castro's action. These firms were convinced that Castro's removal was the answer to the problem and were willing to pay a price of $150,000 for its successful accomplishment. It was to be made clear to Rosselli that the United States Government was not and should not become aware of this operation.

6. The pitch was made to Rosselli on September 14, 1960, at the Hilton Plaza Hotel in New York City. Mr. James O'Connell, Office of Security, was present during this meeting and was identified to Rosselli as an employee of Maheu. O'Connell actively served as Rosselli's contact until May 1962 at which time he phased out due to an overseas assignment. Rosselli's initial reaction was to avoid getting involved, but through Maheu's persuasion he agreed to introduce him to a friend, Sam Gold, who knew the Cuban crowd. Rosselli made it clear that he would not want any money for his part, and he believed that Gold would feel the same way. Neither of these individuals were ever paid out of Agency funds.

7. During the week of September 25, 1960, Maheu was introduced to Gold at the Fontainebleau Hotel, Miami Beach. During this meeting Maheu also met an individual identified as "Joe" who was supposedly a courier operating between Havana and Miami. Several weeks later Maheu saw photographs of both of these individuals in the Sunday Supplemental Parade. They were identified as Momo Salvatore Giancana and SANTOS TRAFFICANTE. Both were on the list of the Attorney Generals ten most wanted men. Giancana was described as the Chicago Chieftain of the Cosa Nostra and successor to Al Capone. TRAFFICANTE was identified as the Cosa Nostra boss of Cuban operations. Maheu called this office immediately upon ascertaining this information.

8. In discussing the possible methods of accomplishing the mission, Sam suggested that they not resort to firearms but that he be furnished some type of potent pill that could be placed in Castro's food or drink. Gold indicated that he had a perspective nominee in the person of Juan Orta, a Cuban official who had been receiving kickback payments for a gambling interest and who still had access to Castro and was still in a financial bind.

9. TSD was requested to produce six pills of high lethal content which were then delivered to Orta by Joe. After several weeks of reported attempts, Orta apparently got cold feet and asked out of the assignment. He suggest another candidate who made several attempts without success.

10. Joe then indicated that Dr. Anthony Varona, one of the principal officers in the Cuban exile junta, had become disaffected with the apparent ineffectual progress of the junta and was willing to handle the mission through his own resources. Varona asked that he be given $10,000 for his organization expenses and requested $1,000 worth of communications equipment. Dr. Varona's potential was never fully exploited as the mission was canceled shortly after the Bay of Pigs episode. Varona was advised the offer was withdrawn, and the pills were retrieved.

11. Of significant interest was an incident which involved a request levied by Sam upon Maheu.

At the height of the project negotiations, Gold expressed concern about Dan Rowan who he learned was (Deleted). Gold asked Maheu to put a bug in Rowan's room to determine the extent of Rowan's relationship with Phyliss McGuire. The technician involved in the assignment was discovered in the process, arrested and taken to the Sheriff's Office for questioning. He called Maheu in the presence of Sheriff's personnel and informed him that he had been detained. Subsequently the Department of Justice announced its intention to prosecute Maheu along with the technician. On February 7, 1962 the Director of Security briefed the then Attorney General Robert Kennedy on the circumstances leading up to Maheu's involvement in the wiretap. At our request, prosecution was dropped.

12. In May 1962 Mr. William Harvey took over as Rosselli's case officer and it was not known if he was used officially from that point on. It was subsequently learned from the FBI that Rosselli had been convicted on six counts involving illegal entry into the United States some time during November 1967. On December 2, 1968 Rosselli, along with four other individuals, was convicted of conspiracy to cheat members of the Friar's Club of $400,000 in a rigged gin rummy game. Mr. Harvey reported his contacts with Rosselli to this office during November and December 1967 and January 1968. Rosselli was facing deportation at that time but felt he could win an appeal.

8. On November 17, 1970, Mr. Maheu called James O'Connell, Rosselli's first case officer, to advise that Maheu's attorney, Ed Morgan, had received a call from Thomas Waddin, Rosselli's attorney, who stated that all avenues of appeal had been exhausted and Rosselli faced deportation. Waddin indicated that if someone did not intercede on Rosselli's behalf, he would make a complete expose of his activity with the Agency. On November 13, 1970, Mr. Helms was briefed on this latest development and it was decided that the agency would not in any way assist Rosselli. Maheu was advised of the Agency's position and was in complete agreement. He stated that he was not concerned about any publicity as it affected him personally should Rosselli decide to tell all. Subsequently Rosselli, or someone on his behalf, furnished Jack Anderson details of the operation. Anderson wrote two columns regarding this operation on January 13, 1971, and February 23, 1971. Rosselli was last known to be in the Federal Penitentiary in Seattle, Washington. [Memo for IG from Sidney D. Stembridge Acting Director of Security 3.16.76]

On May 9, 1962, Attorney General Robert Kennedy was advised by the CIA that Robert Maheu had been hired to approach Sam Giancana regarding an assassination plot against Fidel Castro. "Mr. Kennedy stated that upon learning CIA had not cleared its action in hiring Maheu and Giancana with the DOJ he issued orders that the CIA should never again take such steps with first checking with the DOJ." [FBI 62-109060-4984]

MEMORANDUM FOR: Chief, Security Analysis Group June 24, 1975

SUBJECT: Robert a. Maheu/ Johnny Rosselli Matter

1. The following is provided for your information.

2. Reference is made to previous memorandum, same subject, which have been provided to the Inspector General regarding information contained in Office of Security files concerning the existence of a separate file entitled "Project Johnny," which was alleged to have been kept in the safe of the Director of Security.

3. All attempts to locate a file maintained separately by the Director of Security entitled "Project Johnny" or any other separate unofficial file concerning the Maheu/Rosselli matter within the Office of Security, have met with negative results. However, in conducting research into this matter, a search of the Office of Security Top Secret Registry disclosed a Top Secret document control card concerning a May 14, 1962, memorandum for the Director of Security to the U.S. Attorney General. The Top Secret control card indicated that a copy of this memorandum was being retained in the Director of Security's personal safe "under Project Johnny."

4. The Office of Security file relating to Johnny Rosselli has a file number of 667 270. Memoranda contained within that file include the above-mentioned May 14, 1962, Top Secret memorandum from the Director of Security, as well as the originals of numerous other memoranda dating back to 1966, which concern various aspects of the Rosselli/Maheu matter. According to the Chief, Security Records Division, the above official file on Johnny Rosselli, using the 667 270 file number, was not established until November 1974. Further, one such memo contained in that official Office of Security file relating to Johnny Rosselli has the original "buck slip" which forwarded that memorandum to the Director of Security. On the buck slip, which is dated June 6, 1968, the following handwritten notation from the Director of Security appears: "Kathy, Johnny file.

5. In view of the above, it would appear that a separate file did exist prior to November 1974, the contents of which would appear to have been consolidated within the above noted Office of Security files on Rosselli. Further, presuming that the heretofore missing "Project Johnny" file is now an official file, the conclusion may be drawn that all the Office of Security files relating to the Rosselli/Maheu matter have been reviewed, and that the pertinent information contained therein has been forwarded to the Inspector General for review.

6. It should be noted that in 1967 the Inspector General conducted an investigation into the Rosselli/Maheu matter, and in doing so collected numerous memoranda from the various Agency components directly involved. As a result, additional memoranda which may have been previously held separately by the Director of Security, may be in the possession of the Inspector General. (Deleted)

Security Analysis Group.

By 1964 the Public Relations firm of Robert Maheu, whose principal - and perhaps only - client was Howard Hughes, was utilized by two CIA components despite information which Charles Kane, Deputy Director of Security, received from the Society of Former FBI Agents and despite his close association with Howard Hughes: "I also indicated to Mr. Strange that it had been rumored that Maheu had been involved with labor unions and had been involved in a case investigated by the Bureau in Las Vegas. During the conversation I reiterated that the above information was rumored but that it might have an effect on the utilization of the Maheu organization. Mr. Strange indicated that he had also heard these rumors but that he did not feel that this would effect the utilization of the Maheu organization." [Memo for DD/S (IOS) 7.22.64]

June 16, 1966

MEMORANDUM FOR: Director of Security

SUBJECT: Call from Birch O'Neal

1. Birch O'Neal indicated that Mr. HUNT had asked him to check the Counter Intelligence Staff files to see if they had anything on Bob Maheu. He advised that he had completed his search and there was no information in Counter Intelligence files that we did not already have in Office of Security files. Charles W. Kane, Deputy Director of Security.

On July 14, 1968 ID/1 received a request for a "(Deleted) Approval to permit utilization of (Deleted) in connection with the latter's employment with Robert A. Maheu and associates. In view of DDP policy as set forth in CSI-50-10 regarding use of employees of US private detective investigative agencies, the use of (Deleted) was discussed with Central Cover Staff; the writer was assured that the firm Robert A. Maheu Associates, which the Agency is using for (Deleted) purposes, is no longer associated with investigative or security activities. (See Central Cover Staff memorandum for the record dated July 30, 1968). However, it appears that Robert A. Maheu does in fact own, or is a co-owner of the Bel Air Patrol which is one of the organizations that is currently establishing security services for Howard Hughes. (See (Deleted) RUC dated July 29, 1968. Subject: (Deleted) #517 843 and the above cited Central Cover Staff memorandum). This matter is being brought to your attention because of the possible interpretation that the use of Robert A. Maheu and Associates conflicts with CSI 50-10, and that the undersigned believes that the matter should be reviewed for that reason prior to ID/1's processing of the (Deleted) Approval request on Peter Maheu and (Deleted). Central Cover Staff does take the position that the use of Robert A. Maheu and Associates does not conflict with CSI 50-10 in as much as the firm is now solely engaged in public relations activities; they believe that Robert A. Maheu's ownership or interest in the organizations currently providing security and investigative services to Howard Hughes is irrelevant. The undersigned agrees with this position. Ervan E. Kuhnke Jr. Acting Chief, ID/1."

On February 14, 1969, an unnamed component requested a Provisional Operational Approval on Robert Maheu's son, Peter Maheu, a former CIA Office of Security clerical employee. The CIA: "Subject's son Peter Robert Maheu was a staff employee of the Agency and of this Office from 1963 to 1964. He was a clerical employee. (Deleted)." When Jack Anderson exposed Robert Maheu's connection to the Fidel Castro murder plots on January 18, 1971, the Chief, Western Hemisphere Division/Cuban Operations Group requested an investigation. On March 19, 1971, this document was generated:

SUBJECT: Maheu, Robert A.

FILE No. 111 540

BEFORE ANY ACTION WHATSOEVER IS TAKEN REGARDING THE SUBJECT OF THIS FILE CONTACT:

Howard J. Osborn D/Security

Ermal P. Geiss DD/Security

Arthur C. Sheridan DDS (IOS)

James P. O'Connell DDS (PTOS) [NARA 1993.07.21.06:43:40:430140]

In January 1971, in light of the involvement of Maheu in a suit between executives of the Hughes Company and Maheu, the Director of Security recommenced to the DCI that all existing clearance with Maheu and Associates be terminated. The DCI concurred in this recommendation. Files of this Office reflect that Subject's company, Maheu and Associates, cooperated with the Agency in supporting the activities of (Deleted) Information regarding the possibility that Subject was involved in a leak of information concerning a sensitive (Deleted) project is set forth in Attachment C.

Resorts International, a company that owned the Paradise Island casino in Nassau, reportedly put up two millions dollars to establish the International Intelligence Corporation (INTERTEL) security firm in Washington which was headed by former Justice Department experts on organized crime William Hundley and Robert Peloquin. INTERTEL was described as an organization that looked into the operations of large corporations to ascertain whether any of their assets were being directed towards activities controlled by organized crime. Three major accounts of that firm were Life Magazine, the National Football League and Resorts International. Resorts International owned 91% of INTERTEL'S stock. In the mid-1960's Eddie Cellini managed the Paradise Island casino where William Hundley and Robert Peloquin were in charge of casino security. [They Call it a Game - Bernie Parish - 1971] In March 1971 INTERTEL began an investigation of Robert Maheu Associates, before taking over its operations. INTERTEL had been engaged by Howard Hughes to look into his Las Vegas operations which was formerly managed by Maheu.

The CIA asked INTERTEL investigator Edward Mullin, who was formerly employed in the FBI, and CIA DDP, to report back to it on the investigation of Robert Maheu Associates. The CIA: "Officers in this organization who know and have dealt with Mr. Mullin vouch for the honesty of Mr. Mullin's willingness to do what he can to prevent unnecessary exposure of CIA's interests. Although he been described by Agency staffers who know him as 'not a mental giant' they believe he will cooperate even to the extent of advising us of the results of his investigations where our vital interests are concerned. It should also be considered that Mr. Maheu is currently under investigation in Las Vegas and we have no way of knowing what connection with CIA may be disclosed by a search of Robert A. Maheu Associates files. It would be highly desirable to have someone in Intertel on the alert for matters of concern to CIA which might be developed by the broad investigation of Robert Maheu Associates currently under way. It is my proposal after consultation with Mr. James P. O'Connell, DD/PTOS, that Mr. Mullin be briefed on the cover relationship between Robert A. Maheu Associates and (Deleted) and (Deleted) role in the removal of the (Deleted). The briefing would be done by Mr. Connell and a member of my staff. Naturally, nothing of an operational nature will be revealed to Mr. Mullin. Erich W. Isenstead, Chief, Central Cover Staff." [3.25.71]

The CIA reported that "One of the things that concerns Mullin is that in perusing the material, they have noted that several of the records are missing. They want to be sure that if Maheu states that these particular records were purged from the files because they pertain to sensitive Government operations, this is actually the case and not a subterfuge to withhold pertinent information which could be used in the forthcoming law suit involving Hughes and Maheu."

Other members of the Castro assassination team included: Chief/Office of Security, Sheffield Edwards; Deputy Director / Plans, Richard Bissell and Chief / Western Hemisphere Division Colonel J.C. King. Richard Bissell told the HSCA he would not have become involved in the early assassination operations without personal authorization of then-Director Allen Dulles. He claimed: "If Dulles told me not to become involved in such a thing, I know for sure I wouldn't. You can't disobey the Director." This operation had been approved by the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Allen Dulles, and a May 14, 1962, CIA Memo reflected that $150,000 was allocated for it. Senator Walter Mondale (Dem.-Montana), who uncovered the existence of the assassination group, claimed it that "petered out" in 1963. In 1975 William Harvey testified that he and then-Deputy Director/Plans Richard Helms had concealed the existence of the assassination plots from CIA Director John McCone.

In 1962, following a disagreement with Robert Kennedy, William Harvey became Chief of Station in Rome. The CIA admitted: "It is correct to say William Harvey disagreed with the Administrations approach to Cuban operations, and he finally told the Attorney General that in quite candid terms. He was essentially a tough and blunt man, and had no illusions as to what he was doing. The act probably led to his reassignment. It is safe to assume he held some resentment for the action of the Attorney General..." [CIA Memo SDB to Blakey 2.9.79] William Harvey continued to work with the CIA until 1967, when he went on sick leave. At the termination of his leave, he retired. He continued to associate with John Rosselli. A May 5, 1967, CIA Memorandum for the Record from L.K. White, CIA Executive Director-Comptroller, stated: "On May 5, 1967, Mr. Helms advised me that he had lunched today with Bill Sullivan of the FBI...Later in the afternoon, Sullivan called Richard Helms to report that Sam Papich had lunched today with Bill Harvey at the latter's request. The primary purpose of the luncheon was for Bill to report to Papich on some contact he had with a 'gangster' and to offer his cooperation to the FBI in dealing with this individual. He expressed to Papich (deleted). Richard Helms said that he assumed Papich would report on this in due course to Mr. ANGLETON..."

On October 4, 1967, Howard Osborne, the Director of the Office of Security, noted: "In response to a question from me, William Harvey said that he felt sure 'Johnny' would never pull the string on us unless he was absolutely desperate, but that his concern was that Senator Robert Kennedy knew all about this operation. He said that the Director had sent him a clipping from a Chicago newspaper touching upon our use of Giancana when William Harvey was (deleted). He said that he mentioned this to Johnny the next time he saw him, and that Johnny said he knew the information had come from a leak in Senator Kennedy's office when he was still Attorney General." [CIA D-000249]

In July 1975 ANGLETON was linked to "Possible Questionable Activity."" a document from the CIA's Office of the Inspector General stated:

"In 1963 a CIA agent was used in support of an FBI investigation of Jimmy Hoffa. Background: On June 27, 1975, JIM ANGLETON telephoned Walt Elder. Dave Aaron of the Senate Select Committee staff had uncovered a staff agent in New York who had been an (deleted) which ANGLETON said was made on Attorney General Robert Kennedy's authorization in 1963. The agent had tried to contact his case officer but was unsuccessful, and so instead contacted ANGLETON. ANGLETON had advised John Greaney, Office of General Counsel. Neither of them had thought to notify Chief, CI, or Review Staff. Greaney later indicated he thought the agent had retired. Walt Elder then called Bill Miller to alert him to the sensitivity of the issue, and especially to the possibility of mafia retribution against the agent...

"I discussed the matter with John Greaney. In summary, he told me that the agent (deleted) in February 1963 had come into contact with (deleted) who had information about links between the Chicago Teamsters Union and the mafia. (Deleted) reported this to his case officer, and in a few days Helms discussed the matter with Kennedy, because of his requirements for information on Hoffa, and with Sam Papich of the FBI. The FBI was enamored of (deleted) contacts with labor and the mafia (deleted) as to develop (Deleted) as an FBI source and turn him over to them. CIA could not turn over (Deleted) to the FBI because he was a long time agent recruited (deleted) by JIM ANGLETON who had operational involvements for us in (deleted) and other places.

"In March 1963 ANGLETON turned (deleted) over to the FBI, but unfortunately kept a string on him. (Deleted) was a handling problem, and from time to time, would return to ANGLETON for advice and so forth. Raymond Rocca (CI) had prepared a full book on the (deleted) case but they are only mentioned in pseudo. This book was brought to the attention of the Inspector General after a June 9, 1975, Time article named mafiosi in connection with the CIA. Scott Breckinridge said that he had not seen the black book, or known of the mafia link, prior to June 1975, even though there had been several Agency inquiries about questionable activities and one specifically for all Agency links with organized crime. I request your advice as to whether this is a questionable activity and whether we should alert the DCI, the White House, and the SSCIA. - Jerrold B. Brown."

The Time article concerned the CIA's utilization of Russell Bufalino, James Plumeri and Salvatore Granello as spotters prior to the Bay of Pigs. The Sacramento Bee quoted a former CIA agent as saying Russell Bufalino, James Plumeri and Salvatore Granello supplied information to the CIA in 1961. The former agent said Lawrence Houston received the information through two CIA employees who were dealing with organized crime figures. [NARA 1993.08.12.15:54:36:560007] Walt Elder commented: "The Agency was involved with the mafia in efforts to try to get somewhere near Castro. It was well known to the Attorney General. This came to the attention of the Attorney General and we went over and talked to him about it. It was somewhat widely known throughout the Agency. It never came to my attention that we had anything to do with a Hoffa investigation. ANGLETON was in contact with agents all over the world. If it says he had an agent in the mafia, I wouldn't be a bit surprised. Maybe overseas. This memo was signed by Jerry Brown? Jerry was five or six times removed - he was on the Review Staff. To tie that all together, I think is drawing a long bow."

Elder was surprised that a CIA agent was used in a domestic, criminal investigation conducted by the FBI: "I don't know how Jerry Brown got that. He long since retired. We returned him to the Foreign Broadcast Information Service from whence he had come. I would take this whole thing with a grain of salt, given the author."

On November 27, 1967, ANGLETON, William Harvey and John Rosselli had a meeting at Washington, D.C.'s, Madison Hotel. William Harvey volunteered that he did not notice any Bureau surveillance at this meeting. [CIA MFR 12.11.67] By 1968 Harvey established a law office in Washington, D.C. On December 11, 1968, James P. O'Connell DD/PTOS met with Rosselli. William Harvey died in Indianapolis, Indiana, on June 9, 1976, following a heart attack.

The CIA: "In late 1960 or early 1961 the Cuban Revolutionary Council was formed to coordinate and direct Cuban Revolutionary Front activities. (Deleted) The Cuban Revolutionary Front continued to function until October 1961 when it was completely absorbed by the Cuban Revolutionary Council. Because of the magnitude of the Cuban Revolutionary Front and Cuban Revolutionary Council operations (deleted)..." [CIA Subject FRD 10.30.67]

The Cuban Revolutionary Council was formed was because President Kennedy insisted the Agency draft a new Cuban constitution before he gave a tentative go-ahead for the Bay of Pigs invasion. The President demanded that the Cuban Revolutionary Front be expanded to include the democratic socialist elements of the exile community like the group led by Manolo Ray, JURE. The Kennedy Administration wanted every exile group, except Batistianos, included in the Cuban Revolutionary Council. HUNT was put under pressure by his superiors to admit Manolo Ray and replace Tony Varona with Miro Cardona Ruben.

The FBI reported: "Dr. Miro Cardona had served as Prime Minister in the first Cabinet formed by Fidel Castro upon the fall of the Batista Government. He later served as Cuban Ambassador to Spain, and was still later designated Cuban Ambassador to the United States, but resigned to take asylum in the Argentine Embassy in Cuba, before coming to the United States in October 1960, as a political exile (deleted). [FBI 105-107224-16] Miro Cardona had been of interest to the CIA since September 19, 1955 "***Locator Data: Order from IP/CFS - GC52 201-0097050." Traces on Miro Cardona were all marked "Not Applicable." [Holmes Russell B CI/EXO Index Search and 201 Consolidation Request 9.2.77 IP/FI Control No. 10 Sep 6 77]

TO: Chief, Security Research Staff, OS January 24, 1961

FROM: Chief/RB/SRS/OS

SUBJECT: HUNT #23500

Attached is a copy of a cable which was brought to my attention by Mr. O'Neal, CI/SIG. Mr. Horton had requested that Mr. O'Neal check any information developed by the Office of Security. The attached cable indicates that Subject is furnishing information of a type which he should not be furnishing, to certain (Deleted) whom he presumably knew during previous assignment in (Deleted). The cable also appears to raise the question concerning how Subject could recently purchase a $70,000 home in Washington, D.C. A check of Subject file indicates that Subject has some outside income since he has written a number of pocket books and he has certain corporation stocks. The following security action is recommended:

(a) Credit checks be conducted on Subject in Washington, D.C. area and information obtained in regard to his home including financial arrangements.

(b) Appropriate officials of (deleted) briefed concerning the information regarding (deleted) and a discreet inquiry made concerning whether Subject is making any other indiscreet remarks and statements concerning his current assignment.

Subject has been a problem in the past and apparently continues to be a problem. If information can be obtained other than the cable information which apparently could not be used, it is felt that Subject should be given at least a strong warning concerning indiscreet remarks and unauthorized disclosure of information.

Bruce Solie

On February 21, 1961, a Office Memo was sent to Chief SB/3 from OL Subject 23500 (HUNT). This date (deleted) WH/4/SO advised we can cancel NC." On February 23, 1961, "(Deleted) Subject's application (deleted) canceled. On February 21, 1961 the (deleted) previously established in the name of (deleted) Washington, D.C. was canceled. This (deleted) was set up September 30, 1960 for the purpose of (deleted) the Subject in the (deleted) File No. 23500."

HUNT said he resigned from the Cuban Revolutionary Council in protest over the inclusion of Manolo Ray:

Q. When did you resign as liaison officer?

A. It was on or about the -- well, I'd say the April 10, 1961.

Q. Could you give the reason for your resignation?

A. Well, I was asked to do certain things which I declined to do and I asked to be relieved.

Q. Did that included the joining of Manolo Reyes to the Council?

A. Yes.

Q. And this was against your principles?

A. It was against the principles the United States had held up to the exiles, yes.

Q. Your instructions were to include Manolo Reyes in the Cuban Revolutionary Council at the insistence of President Kennedy?

A. I don't know.

Q. But your direct instructions came from the person?

A. That's correct.

However, on March 18, 1961, HUNT agreed to work under the cover of propagandist for the Cuban Revolutionary Council and for the Bay of Pigs invasion, which was imminent. [HUNT Day pp. 140, 142, 153, 175] The CIA reported: "The Cuban Revolutionary Council had direct access to President Kennedy and top White House aides."

On January 20, 1961 the Seattle, Washington, Field Office of the FBI generated a document about STURGIS entitled: "Neutrality Matters." The FBI reported that Orlando Bosch advised that STURGIS had permitted STURGIS to go on a raid with MIRR. Bosch stated that this raiding party traveled by boat but had failed to land in Cuba and that he was dissatisfied with FIORINI'S performance, whom he described as a soldier-of-fortune and publicity seeker. On March 3, 1961, the FBI in Miami generated a document about STURGIS, "Internal Security, Cuba, Registration Act, Cuba."

In March 1961 Senator George Smathers obtained a hearing for STURGIS before the Citizenship Review Board of the State Department, which, according to the Immigration and Naturalization Service official handling the matter, was unusual: "Technicalities on which subject's expatriation case ordered reopened deal with the fact that subject repeatedly took 5th Amendment to questions asked to him at previous hearing and (Deleted) did not testify on subject's behalf although he was supposed to have done so. Case was ordered reopened to hear testimony of those two persons which, according to the INS official handling the matter, is very unusual and not according to precedent. (Deleted)." [FBI 2-1499-60] The citizenship of STURGIS was restored on March 14, 1961. The INS in Miami did not appeal this determination. [FBI 2-1499-89 2 pages w/h] Under Secretary of State Christian Herter stated he had "inadvertently" signed the loss of citizenship order. [AP Dispatch 5.12.60; Messick Hoover p154 W/G Ex. 9913; Miami Herald 1.19.71 Messick Lansky p191]

In March 1961, Alexander Rorke, STURGIS and Frank Nelson organized a group of men who were to create a diversion by landing on a different beach during the Bay of Pigs invasion. The first step in effectuating this plan involved sending Angus McNair and others into Cuba to meet Howard Anderson, 41, a reputed CIA Agent who owned a chain of gasoline stations in Havana and commanded the American Legion post there. Anderson had been in close touch with the Humberto Sori Marin Group of high level anti-Castro conspirators. After they were captured, he was instructed to determine if other Cuban officers were in on the plot and if they would attempt to carry it out. He was also to advise the CIA of the progress of the diversionary action to be launched by Operation 40 in Pinar del Rio. Shortly after midnight on March 19, 1961, Angus McNair was captured by Castro's border patrol. Anderson was arrested on his way to meet with McNair. A Castro double-agent had betrayed the conspirators. McNair and Anderson were shot on April 19, 1961, two days after the Bay of Pigs invasion began. McNair was alleged to have been related to Senator Smathers. Seven Cubans were executed including Humberto Sori Marin. Before Angus McNair embarked, he told STURGIS: "I'm going because Fidel Castro killed an American soldier, William Morgan."

On April 11, 1961, a group led by Nino Diaz (born January 25, 1925), an associate of STURGIS and Pedro Diaz Lanz, set out for Cuba on a 42-foot motor launch. Nino Diaz had joined the rebel Army of Fidel Castro on April 1, 1958, and was discharged with the rank of Major. Nino Diaz's group landed in Cuba four days later, only to discover that their contacts had been arrested. Journalist Edith Kermit Roosevelt described their situation: "Included among the Freedom Fighters were a group of Cubans who were dispatched by a person or persons in the Kennedy Administration on a futile suicide mission during the aborted Cuban invasion attempt." On April 17, 1961, the day the Bay of Pigs Brigade landed in Cuba, the diversionary group ran out of supplies. On April 18, 1961, Nino Diaz's men were rescued by a United States Naval vessel just outside Cuba's territorial waters. In 1976 Michael Canfield asked STURGIS to describe his reaction to the fate of the diversionary group. STURGIS: "Oh I was mad! We had people inside of Cuba. That's when I started to do...ahh, you know we were doing green light operations. Green light is permission. No problem. And after a while they cut the assistance to the underground. They did it because of the policy. The President says 'Stop all things,' and they stop them. I can't lay the blame on one man, but he takes responsibility for the whole thing. I figured he made a deal in that we had to cut back. I felt that was wrong. He deserted the people. I felt that was wrong."

STURGIS told Paul Meskil that he was part of the CIA's OPERATION 40, an infiltration and intelligence gathering group that was to go into Cuba before the Bay of Pigs assault. Meskil stated that some former CIA agents described OPERATION 40 as an "assassination squad." STURGIS stated: "It was top CIA project. Most of the men in it were Cubans who had been trained by the U.S. Army. I am not saying that OPERATION 40 had an assassination squad. There were reports there was one, but I'm not saying so." Meskil reported that the Chief of OPERATION 40 was Joaquin Pedromo Sanjenis, a former Castro aide who defected and became a CIA agent. Two of his cousins also worked for the Agency. Canfield asked STURGIS about OPERATION 40:

STURGIS: Well, I was an associate, while I participated in OPERATION 40. OPERATION 40 was formed before the Bay of Pigs invasion; it was a Top Secret Government operation; it consisted of many Cuban intelligence officers who worked for the CIA and this organization. Their job primarily was to train people to infiltrate a foreign country, to make contact with people in the political sector of the government, plus there was also a group formed, in which was the assassination section, which I was part of; that, if necessary, this assassination group would, upon orders, naturally, assassinate either members of the military in the foreign country, political party members of the foreign country that you were going to infiltrate, and, if necessary, some of your own members, who were suspected of being foreign agents. Now at the same time, I was asked by my friend, who was a CIA agent, he asked me if I was interested in participating, or doing an assassination with the Company. I told him yes, providing that I would sit down with his case officer and go over the details, and I would do it.

Canfield: Domestic or foreign?

STURGIS: It would be domestic.

Canfield: Here in the United States?"

STURGIS: Oh yeah. The reason for that, he asked me how I would go about it. And I told him, well, if it was going to be domestic, well, I could do it several ways. I could do it either in the Everglades, I could do it by boat, or I could do it by air. But, that if it was going to be done, I did not want nobody to be part of this, I would do it by myself, but I definitely wanted to meet the officer who wanted this done, and I wanted to see him, and get it right from him, so that I would be sure that it would be someone with authority, and not just a low level agent, such as he...I told him that. He told me that he would make contact with someone higher up, and pass on that information and so forth.

Canfield: Did this come out of Operation 40?

STURGIS: This is what the Operation 40 was trained for...

Canfield: What about domestic activities, did they ever attempt a domestic assassination?

STURGIS: Not to my knowledge, no. But the only thing I can say on that is, when I was asked to do domestically, myself --

Canfield: Right.

STURGIS: Of anyone else, no, not to my knowledge; which brings the why all this stuff I've been reading in the papers where they want me to be part of an investigation of the assassination of President Kennedy, I have no knowledge of anything like --

Canfield: Did anyone ever approach you about --

STURGIS: The assassination? Yeah, oh yeah.

Canfield: No, I mean, to do the assassination.

STURGIS: No, no, oh no. The Cubans were very angry with the Kennedys, they were furious with the Kennedys because of the failure of the Bay of Pigs invasion. But the only thing that I had as far as the assassination was concerned, naturally, is the investigation by the FBI. And they said, "Well FRANK, this is strictly a voluntary thing, if you want to talk with us, if you don't want to talk with us' - And they told me that they felt I was one of the persons capable, if I wanted to assassinate somebody as high as the President of the United States, that I was capable of --

Canfield: You were approached though to do assassination jobs -

STURGIS: Oh yeah. Also an associate. And it can be proven that he is, or rather was, at that time, a CIA agent.

Canfield: Was he involved in Watergate?

STURGIS: Well, I don't want to go ahead and say at this point. But if I'm ever called in front of a Congressional Committee, which I assume I will be, I will tell them...

Canfield: Did they ever tell you who was to be assassinated?

STURGIS: No.

Canfield: Do you have any ideas?

STURGIS: No, no. I don't even know if it was another agent, or a double agent, or a fool or what. The only one who would know are the people involved in CIA.

Canfield: They never did assassinate anyone in the United States?

STURGIS: Not to my knowledge, no...On this assassination thing, I would figure well, it's gonna have to come up from some a little higher than this agent right here. It's gonna have to come from someone with a little authority.

Canfield: Did you tell him that?

STURGIS: Oh, yeah.

Canfield: And what was his response?

STURGIS: He told me he would make contact with someone higher up, and pass on that information, and so forth.

Canfield: Did you ever get any feedback from him or anyone else?

STURGIS: No.

Canfield asked STURGIS: "Were all members of OPERATION 40 trained in assassination?" STURGIS replied that only 20 men were.

STURGIS told the Rockefeller Commission: "All I knew is that he was an agent, and at a latter date, it was proven that he was an agent. So my contacts with this man throughout the years, how he worked, my close contact with him, in Miami, the way of operation, the way he handles himself, the people that he was in close contact with, that the top political and military people who were in exile that he was in touch with, the formation of the Bay of Pigs itself before the invasion came through this particular man. He was part of forming this -- at least of the Revolutionary Council. And I was approached by him and I told Jose Joachim Sajennes Pardomo. I said, 'What do you think?' The idiot, I hope this never gets publicized, I said this idiot took me out and we had some lunch, and he asked me if I wanted to do an assassination attempt for the outfit. And I looked him square in the face and told him, 'Why did you come to me?' And he says, 'Well FRANK, like who else? You are a man that the Chief knows your background, and I know your background, and I know you are capable. And if anybody can do it, you can do it. But the thing is would you be interested?' And I said, 'Yes I would be.' The discussion of money was not involved in it, because I would not do anything for money. I don't know [who the target was]. He said he would contact his chief, and he would --- he told me to contact him later on, and I think he gave me a certain day to contact him, and I said 'Okay.' You must remember that how I know this man as an agent, because he does the same things as I do in his life, he types away, or at least, he has a wife who types away, he makes all the reports, and stacks them in a file cabinet. I have heard him talk to his case officer on the telephone. And to me that was very stupid of him in doing that even to me who was his friend. That is a stupid way of doing things. Because he did not suspect that I was in touch with Jose Joachim Sajennes Pardomo, he cannot know. And the only time he suspected that I had anything to do with the CIA is when we were in prison, and the man on the television said, 'Yes,' he used to work for the CIA. I am talking about the agent and me who was part of the Watergate group. And he was dumbfounded and said, 'What, you work for the CIA?' And I said, 'Yes sir, you dumb bastard you, I was turning you in to my case officer.' I knew he was an agent, but I didn't know that I was in contact --- I never used the word -- or at least I don't think I did, and I hope I haven't used it today -- that I said I was an employee of the CIA or that I was connected with the CIA. I had a second meeting with him at the Ranch house, and he told me, he says, "Well, there is interest FRANK.' He said 'About this assassination,' and I said 'Fine.' And then he started to questioning, how would you do it? There are several ways of trying to do assassination. The things I have to know is who the person is, that is number one, it is important, and where the person is at, which is important. And then, I will have to go ahead and go to the place where this man lives...I said I wanted to tell you something, I will do this because you are a friend of mine, and because you asked me. But I will want more than that. And he said 'What is that?' I said I want it from somebody higher than you, from somebody with authority. If you tell me --- and you are my friend, and I believe you -- but I want it more from somebody else who has some authority. You have a case officer. I want your case officer to tell me to do an assassination plot and I will do it. But coming from you, you are my friend, my buddy, but I have got to have more than that for my protection.

Olsen: Did he ever put you in touch with his case officer?

STURGIS: I knew who his boss was.

Olsen: Who was his boss?

STURGIS: "EDUARDO"...It either had to be "EDUARDO," who I never met or it had to be possibly (deleted) after "EDUARDO" left.

Olsen: Did (deleted) take his place?

STURGIS: I believe so, I believe (deleted) did take his place as this party's case officer.

Olsen: And then you did not actually have any contact with his case officer?

STURGIS: When I told him what I think it kind of stung him a little bit. And he said, 'Well, okay, all right. Then you will go through with it?' And I said 'Certainly I will go through with it, I don't care who the hell it is!' I said, 'You let me know.'

On April 4, 1975, STURGIS was re-questioned about the proposed domestic assassination. He went off the record then said BARKER was the CIA agent who approached him. [SSCIA 157-10005-10191]

Olsen: Yesterday we were talking about an approach which was made to you in Miami sometime after you returned to the United States from Cuba in 1959, in which you were asked if you would be willing to undertake an assassination?

STURGIS: Yes, sir.

Olsen: Would you tell us this morning who it was that approached you with that subject?

Olsen: Mr. STURGIS has asked that we go off the record, during the course of which Mr. Navarro was invited to leave the room and he is now absent from the room. The only parties present in the room at this time are Mr. STURGIS and myself. Now the question that I put to you, FRANK, was: Can you identify for us at this time who it was that approached you with the question of whether you would participate in the performance of an assassination?

STURGIS: BERNARD L. BARKER.

Olsen: And when was it, as best you can recall, FRANK, when that approach was made?

STURGIS: I believe it was approximately 1961, either before the Bay of Pigs or after the Bay of Pigs

Olsen: Was it shortly before or shortly after?

STURGIS: I would be very honest with you, I don't remember.

Olsen: Well the Bay of Pigs operation actually took place in April 1961, didn't it?

STURGIS: 1961, yes sir.

Olsen: As I understand from your testimony yesterday, when you were approached about this you indicated you were willing to do so.

STURGIS: Yes sir.

Olsen: But you thereafter checked with Joaquin Pedromo Sanjenis about what the thought about it, and Joaquin Pedromo Sanjenis indicated to you that he thought you should cooperate with BARKER, but that you should make sure that it was going to be an authorized operation by insisting to BARKER that the word come to you directly from someone who has identified himself as BARKER'S Case Officer. Is that a fair statement of what you have just told me?

STURGIS: Either his Case Officer or his Station Chief.

Olsen: Did you know at the time who BARKER'S Case Officer was?

STURGIS: I assumed at the time that it was possible that it was "EDUARDO," who he was the assistant under "EDUARDO."

Olsen: But, am I correct in understanding now that you do not know whether EDUARDO was still on the scene or whether he had been replaced?

STURGIS: No, sir, I do not know. Now let me say this. I did ask HOWARD HUNT do you use the code name EDUARDO while we were in Danbury, Connecticut, and present -

Olsen: Now are you talking about 1972?

STURGIS: Now we are talking about 1972. I asked him if he gave any orders to BERNIE, or BARKER, of MACHO, whatever -- these names -- I called him by these names.

Olsen: In other words BARKER was known as either BERNIE or MACHO?

STURGIS: Right.

Olsen: Okay.

STURGIS: I did ask HOWARD: Did you ever ask MACHO BARKER to do an assassination, to approach me on an assassination. He says "Hell no."

Olsen: All right then. Did you thereafter -- going back to the 1961 -- did you have any further conversation with BERNARD BARKER about the subject?

STURGIS: Yes, sir. I was advised not to discuss the assassination attempt with him -- to let BERNIE bring up the subject -- whenever I saw him. BERNIE did bring up the subject.

Olsen: Where did you talk to BERNIE the next time about this subject?

STURGIS: It was either one or two places; it was either at his home in the -- I believe the northwest section of town, or at a dinner that he invited me to at a steak house -- and I believe it was a Ranch House; this Ranch House was located on 36th Street just before LeJuene Road.

Olsen: And what happened when you next met with BARKER about the subject?

STURGIS: He told me that this invitation was -- his Case Officer said "Take FRANK out and have dinner."

Olsen: And what did he do? Did he explore your further willingness to undertake this?

STURGIS: Yes. Bernie asked me how I would go about it were the subject about the assassination, and he asked me how I would do it. And I told, him, I says, "It would all depend. I don't want to know the man or the victim's name at this time, but it would depend on the man, his position, for me to determine how I would get rid of the man."

Olsen: And also where.

STURGIS: Where -- the location, right. Also, in the conversation I told him -- he went into detail with me, and he said that there was a possibility that he would like to go on the thing with me. And I told him, "Well BERNIE, I don't like anybody to come with me; I'll be very honest with you. I prefer to do it myself" because naturally I did not want to have a witness to something that I would do even if he is an agent or not, that I would do the thing. He said, "Well, how could I know that it was done?" I says "Well there are several ways; No. 1, the person would eventually be reported missing; No. 2, I will cut off his ear or his finger and give it to you" I says "because there won't be no body to recover." I told him -- he says, "How would you do it?" I says, 'Well, I could go to the Everglades; I could dig a hole and put lye in it -- the lye will eat up the body. I could take an airplane and fly over the Gulf Stream weighted down -- I would have to cut his stomach and intestines so that he wouldn't float. Even weighted down a body will float unless you cut open the insides of his stomach and intestines. Or, I says, "I could go out with boat into the Gulf Stream and use explosives in order to destroy the body completely."

Olsen: Did you know at the time where this assassination attempt was to be undertaken in Florida?

STURGIS: No, sir. I again -- knowing how agents work because I in turn have trained some people as far as intelligence was concerned; there is such a thing called compartmentation, and even though I was willing to go on this assassination, at the time I did not want to know who the person was in case if I did not do the assassination and someone else did the assassination, at least if it was uncovered that I would not be brought in as some one who knew of the conspiracy to assassinate someone here if it was in the United States or a foreign country.

Olsen: FRANK, did anything further transpire about this assassination? Other than this second conversation with BARKER?

STURGIS: No sir. Nothing came about because I nailed him to the wall, telling BARKER that I would want someone much higher than he who would identify himself, his position with the company, and then I would do the operation.

Olsen: Did anybody ever contact you then who was higher up in the company?

STURGIS: No sir. No one, but I still maintained my friendship with BARKER throughout the years.

Olsen: So that ended the matter in respect to assassination?

STURGIS: Yes, sir.

Olsen: All right, here we go back on the record. Continuing then, FRANK, did you ever have any further contact with anyone who you believed had any connection whatever with the CIA about an assassination?

STURGIS: No sir. MACHO BARKER was the only one at that time. Now MACHO asked me to help some other leaders who naturally were in touch with him. You must understand that because he asked me -- you can understand his position; his position was political under EDUARDO; as I said before, E. HOWARD HUNT or EDUARDO was a political officer with CIA with the planning of the Bay of Pigs invasion.

Olsen: Well, what I'm getting at is this: Did anybody ever contact you -- that is anybody who had any connection whatever with the CIA, contact you about an assassination after the one that you have just described to us?

STURGIS: In the United States, no.

Olsen: How about outside the United States?

STURGIS: Well, there is a very thin line here. I have discussed assassinations of several top Cuban political and military leaders with the Havana Station.

Olsen: When you say with the Havana Station, who in the Havana Station?

STURGIS: Well, with the United States Embassy, Colonel Nichols.

Olsen: This was while you were still in Cuba?

STURGIS: Yes, sir.

Olsen: Before leaving there in June 1959?

STURGIS: Yes sir. That's in the first part of January and February 1959.

Olsen: Well, these were all discussed with us yesterday on the record when you described to us the discussions that took place among officials of the Cuban Air Force and Cuban Army about plans to assassinate Fidel Castro and Che Guevara?

STURGIS: Yes, sir.

Olsen: And people of their entourage.

STURGIS: Yes, sir.

Olsen: And you described yesterday some exercises that were worked up, plans that were drawn up with respect to possible places to perform the assassinations?

STURGIS: Yes, sir.

Olsen: And then you described to us yesterday the fact the Colonel Nichols had on the occasions when you had discussed it with him --- Colonel Nichols had urged you to hold off on any such assassination.

STURGIS: Right...

Olsen: You mentioned to me when we talked over the telephone, FRANK, that you had some contact with or some relationship with a planned assassination of Premier Castro in New York. What was that what you were referring to?

STURGIS: There was a time, I don't remember the exact date, that Fidel was in New York; there was a conspiracy or at least talk of a conspiracy to want to kill him. Now as far as the CIA is concerned, I don't believe that they were involved or any agents were involved in that conspiracy wanting to assassinate Fidel.

Olsen: Was this then something that was discussed among elements of the Cuban exiles in Florida?

STURGIS: Yes sir, New York and Florida.

Olsen: Did you have any contact or know of any contact whatever in connection with such discussions of assassinating Premier Castro in New York -- did you have any contact whatever with anybody in the Government of the United States?

STURGIS: That is very difficult to answer, Mr. Olsen, because of the dates involved. I would think that I had contact with the Agency, but again I will state that whatever they knew about, or were involved in any conspiracy, myself I do not know.

Olsen: Well, when you say you had some contact with somebody from the Agency, did you have such contact with somebody from the Agency about such an assassination.

STURGIS: No, sir. No, I did not.

Olsen: Was there any contact that you had of any nature relating to any assassination any place with any official of the United States Government, other than the ones that you have already described to me?

[OFF THE RECORD]

Olsen: All right, we are going back on the record again. Mr. STURGIS having said he was having difficulty thinking about exactly what answer he would give to the question that was posed because he didn't want to use up tape time while he was engaged in his thinking process. He has -- while we have been off the record -- explored the subject with us further and is now prepared to answer the question. Go ahead, FRANK.

STURGIS: After that meeting with BARKER, I, as far as I know, with the Cuban friends of mine who were working for the company or who was working under the company, there was a great deal of talk among the Cubans about wanting to assassinate Fidel Castro in New York, inside of Cuba, or in Latin America because Fidel did make several trips. There was talk, but as far as I know I don't know if CIA sponsored any of the Cubans in any attempt to kill Fidel or finance them in any attempt to kill him, nor supported any attempt by the Cubans to want to kill him, or whether these Cubans were simply patriots or were working for, or associated with, the CIA.

Olsen: You don't know then, FRANK, whether any of this conversation about killing Fidel Castro was initiated or promoted or sponsored in any fashion by the CIA?

STURGIS: I do not. No, sir.

Olsen: Okay. Now, was there any other discussions about assassinations that you could tell us about that you participated in or knew of, other than what you have already described to us?

STURGIS: No, sir. At this point I cannot think of any other attempt or discussion in any other assassination attempt on any one.

Olsen: Did you ever have any conversation with anybody about assassinating President Kennedy.

STURGIS: No sir.

Olsen: Did you have any part whatever in planning or carrying out the assassination of President Kennedy or any other public figure of the United States?

STURGIS: I have not been involved in any of that sir.

Roethe: I would like to ask one more question. You indicated at the very beginning of our interview yesterday that you would tell us the truth, in whatever you answered and that there may be occasions when you might want to hold certain things back, and that you would tell us if you were doing that. I wonder if there has been any instance now where you held anything back from us, not by telling us a lie, but by simply not telling us everything that there is to tell.

STURGIS: Where it concerns the conspiracy or assassination attempts on the President of the United States, Martin Luther King, Bobby Kennedy or any American Government official, I have told the truth; I have not held back anything whatsoever.

In a April 23, 1975 Memo for File, Robert Olsen wrote: "While STURGIS claims that he was asked by BARKER in 1961 if he would be willing to undertake an assassination attempt, he acknowledges that he did not even know who was involved or whether it was inside or outside the United States...I intend to check out the claim STURGIS makes that he was asked in 1968 by a CIA agent (allegedly Jose Joachim Sajennes Pardomo) to organize an operation for the hijacking of a Russian ship...I also intend to check out his claims to take on an assassination of some unknown person. Incidentally, there is a possible connection on this matter. In 1960 and 1961 HUNT was active in the organization of a Cuban government-in-exile in the United States. In this role he had contacts with BERNARD BARKER, who was under contract with the Agency. HUNT states in his book that he had recommended to the Agency that an assassination of Castro be carried out before or contemporaneously with the Bay of Pigs invasion. It is not inconceivable that HUNT would have asked BARKER to check out the possibilities of finding an assassin to carry out such a job if approval were ever given to his recommendation."

OPERATION 40 was created as an adjunct to the Bay of Pigs invasion, and was to continue as a subsidiary intelligence agency if the invasion proved successful. OPERATION 40 intelligence officers were to supply the names of suspected Communists to the assassination section. The suspects would then be terminated.

During his deposition in HUNT v ajweberman STURGIS was asked:

Q. Did you understand that Operation 40 contained an assassination section?

A. Operation 40 consists of a bunch of Cuban officers some of whom I have been familiar with, some are my friends, and their job training by the United States Government were this: When the Brigade landed in Cuba, Operation 40 was to follow. The officers involved in this operation were to make contact with Cuban political elements inside Cuba, both political, military and so forth, who would give assistance to the Brigade and to the underground because Operation 40 was an intelligence organization who had this contact in Cuba. So naturally, in order to make the invasion successful you had to co-ordinate the activities of the Brigade and, also, of the help that it could receive from both the political and the military elements that were in Cuba to assist, you know, in the invasion; and if necessary, if an assassination had to be part of it, naturally it would be part of it.

Q. Do you know if the Diaz Lanz brothers were associated with Operation 40.

A. I doubt it very much. Pedro Diaz Lanz, Marcos and myself included were part of a special air group that was formed and I was associated with that air group because the B-24 bomber was in my name, registered under, at that time it was FAA, and this same B-24 bomber, which the CIA was given money to, was the same bomber on October 25, 1959, that flew over Havana, Cuba, and the pilot was both myself and Pedro Diaz Lanz, Marcos Diaz Lanz and another Cuban was in the bomb bay, where we dropped hundreds of thousands of leaflets over the City of Havana, accusing the Castro Government of being a Communistic government.

In subsequent interviews, STURGIS was far less candid: "I am not saying that OPERATION 40 had an assassination squad. There were reports that there was one, but I am not saying so...I don't recall when I was approached to commit a domestic assassination. Artime did know the people in OPERATION 40 though..."

The SSCIA questioned HUNT about OPERATION 40:

Baron: Senator Schweiker, who is a member of our Committee, has expressed an interest in a quote by FRANK STURGIS that you might be quite familiar with, where he granted an interview to the author of a book called Coup D'Etat In America and he said that he was in some sort of assassination group within what he called OPERATION 40 at the CIA, which was supposed to, upon orders, be capable of assassinating foreign military and political leaders, or suspected double agents. What light can you shed on that?

HUNT: I think FRANK STURGIS has become a captive of his own imagination. It has finally been established, I think to everyone's satisfaction, that he never was a CIA employee. While I am fond of FRANK personally, I don't think a lot of credence ought to be accorded his fantasies.

The HSCA interviewed Marcos Diaz Lanz. He said that although he and Pedro Diaz Lanz refused to join the Bay of Pigs invasion, they were told that they would be in charge of a Special Air Group. That group never coalesced and the Lanz brothers never went to Guatemala.

On March 7, 1961, Alexander Rorke was approved for contact with the CIA Domestic Contacts Division by Sheffield Edwards and William A. Osborne: "Inasmuch as Subject is a reporter, any classified information released to him during contact with him, should be carefully identified as such."

In September 1960 Fidel Castro ordered William Morgan to take his troops into the Escambray Mountains and mop up the anti-Castro guerrillas there. William Morgan had betrayed the Trujillo plot because it had no chance of succeeding; now he began supplying the anti-Castro forces with weapons. Fidel Castro was informed, and William Morgan was imprisoned. On March 11, 1961, a military tribunal in Havana sentenced William Morgan to death. William Morgan denied his guilt until the moment he was executed, and declared to the press: "I will walk to the wall with no escort." He was shot on March 12, 1961.

In December 1959 the newspaper of Fidel Castro, Revolucion, stated United Fruit was protecting anti-Castro plotters in Guatemala and Honduras and was helping them get airplanes, boats and arms. [NYT 12.29.59] In early 1960 Fidel Castro threatened the United Fruit Company. He repeatedly pointed out that United Fruit owned vast amounts of Cuban land, "while hundreds and thousands of peasants owned nothing." Soon Fidel Castro would seize $58 million worth of the Cuban assets of United Fruit. [Szulc, Tad Cuban Invasion p47; DuBois Castro p11]

On March 17, 1960, President Dwight D. Eisenhower signed a National Security Council recommendation to arm and train Cuban exiles to overthrow Fidel Castro. At that time the National Security Council included Eisenhower, NIXON, Christian Herter and Defense Secretary Thomas S. Gates, a Director of Nelson Rockefeller's International Basic Economy Corporation. Because of this directive, Allen Dulles, (who had been the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency after Arbenz was deposed and still held that post in 1960), ordered his Deputy Director, General Charles Pearre Cabell, to reactivate the team which had overthrown Arbenz in 1954.

Charles Cabell was a West Point graduate, four-star Air Force General and former head of Air Force intelligence who came to the CIA in 1953, where he became an intelligence advisor to General Douglas MacArthur. In April 1953 Charles Cabell became a Deputy Director of the CIA. Charles Cabell was from Dallas, where his brother Earle Cabell would become Mayor. [HSCA V4 p153]

Allen Dulles believed that the Arbenz operation had not raised the specter of massive American intervention in Latin America affairs, and was committed to overthrowing Fidel Castro in a like manner. General Charles Cabell activated Frank Wisner's successor, Deputy Director/Plans Richard Bissell, who activated his Assistant Deputy Director/Plans, Tracy Barnes. General Lyman Lemnitzer was included in the early planning of the Bay of Pigs. In 1961 Lyman Lemnitzer became head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and played an important role in the invasion.

In March 1960 Tracy Barnes advised HUNT he was needed for a new project: "Tracy Barnes told me my job would be essentially the same as my earlier one - chief of political action for a project recommended by the National Security Council and approved by President Eisenhower: to assist Cuban exiles in overthrowing Castro." [HUNT Undercover p129] PHILLIPS would work with HUNT again: when Fidel Castro came to power, PHILLIPS engaged in various schemes to unseat him, then departed Cuba in late 1960, or early 1961. PHILLIPS served as HUNT'S Propaganda Chief by "directing the CIA's clandestine radio service to Cuba."

In July 1960 HUNT met with his former associate, Brigadier General Robert Cushman. When HUNT returned to Washington in the Spring of 1950 he had shared an office with Robert Cushman, who later served as Deputy Director/CIA from 1969 to 1972.

In July 1960 President Dwight Eisenhower ordered the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Allen Dulles, to brief the opposition candidate, Senator John F. Kennedy, on Cuba. When Allen Dulles reported to the National Security Council that he had done so NIXON "exploded." Under no circumstances, said NIXON, should John Kennedy have had knowledge of the invasion. [DDI Robert Amory as quoted in Wyden Bay of Pigs p67]

During the famous NIXON/Kennedy televised debates, the U-2 incident, Quemoy, Matsu and the overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz - which NIXON pointed to as a model for dealing with Fidel Castro's Cuba - were all debated. NIXON took a soft line toward Cuba during the debates, and accused John Kennedy of advancing a "shockingly reckless" proposal that could set off World War III. Later, NIXON confessed that he had taken this position because, "the covert operation had to be protected at all costs. I must go to the other extreme: I must attack the Kennedy proposal...as wrong and irresponsible because it would violate our treaty commitments."

A few days after the aborted Bay of Pigs invasion, NIXON met privately with the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Allen Dulles. Later, he commented: "I would have invaded Cuba." NIXON expressed his fear that "Kennedy, having been burned in Cuba, will be reluctant to stand up to the Communists in Vietnam."

HUNT supported NIXON in the November 1960 election, while most Catholic Cuban exiles voted for John F. Kennedy, because of his stronger rhetoric regarding Cuba during the debates. HUNT understood that NIXON, as a planner of the Bay of Pigs, did not want to sound bellicose during the debates: it might have alerted Castro to the intention of the United States to invade Cuba.

After a meeting with Fidel Castro in 1959, NIXON drafted a memorandum to President Dwight D. Eisenhower that emphasized his belief that Fidel Castro was a particularly dangerous Communist. Indeed, NIXON took credit for having the CIA train Cuban exiles to overthrow Fidel Castro, as he wrote in My Six Crises, "The covert training of Cuban exiles by the CIA was due, in substantial part, to my efforts." Former NIXON Chief of Staff H.R. Haldeman related that former Costa Rican President Jose Figueres, who was in power when the United States prepared for the Bay of Pigs invasion, stated that the invasion was NIXON'S idea. HUNT wrote that after NIXON became the White House Action Officer of the invasion, "he approved dirty tricks and terror." General Robert Cushman advised HUNT that NIXON, who was the "White House projects action officer," wanted to be sure nothing went wrong. According to HUNT, NIXON was "intimately involved with the operational planning from his National Security Council position...I believe he chaired the National Security Council in that capacity." A CIA analysis of the Give Us This Day manuscript revealed: "HUNT describes a luncheon that he and Jake Esterline had with Robert Cushman, Vice President NIXON'S Assistant for National Security Affairs. HUNT had known Robert Cushman when the latter had an earlier CIA tour, and Jake Esterline said that Robert Cushman followed the Cuban Project for the Vice President. HUNT states that NIXON, 'as chairman [sic] of the National Security Council, was the real spark plug behind the project,' and the Administration's focal point and trouble shooter regarding it. The General gave HUNT his private telephone number in the event that he had something for the Vice President's urgent attention." Former Director of the CIA Richard Helms was asked about NIXON'S connection to the Bay of Pigs invasion:

A. I have no idea. I don't think so but I never heard it. I never heard it alleged that he did.

Q. All right. I don't mean that he was actually sitting there doing it, but he had an awareness of it and he was acting in a more than advisory position.

A. But to my personal knowledge I know nothing about this. [Helms Depo. HUNT V ajweberman]

During his deposition in HUNT v. ajweberman, BARKER described HUNT as "air commander or chief of CIA" during the Bay of Pigs.

While reporting on one of HUNT'S Watergate hearings, The N.Y. Times described HUNT as having "operational charge of the Bay of Pigs."

William Buckley indicated "HOWARD HUNT was intimately involved as an official in the CIA, in the Bay of Pigs. Indeed, The New York Times named him as the principal CIA official directly involved in that venture." [Buckley Firing Line 1.18.73]

Thomas McCann, a former public relations man for United Fruit, stated: "In the early days of the Kennedy Administration, the CIA approached the management of the United Fruit Company and told them that the United States was sponsoring a counter-revolutionary movement with the objective of unseating Fidel Castro. The project was masterminded by an old hand at such things, E. HOWARD HUNT. The CIA wanted us to supply two of our freighters to convey men, munitions and materiel during the invasion." [McCann United Fruit p93]

In March 1961 President Kennedy changed the site of the Cuban invasion from a beach near a city, to Playa Giron (Bay of Pigs), a desolate area surrounded by swamps. HUNT regarded this decision as "the ultimate in folly." He informed BARKER that, as a result of his interaction with the Kennedy Administration, he had decided it was becoming "increasingly hard to identify the enemy."

HUNT was no longer sure if he should try to kill Fidel Castro, or John Kennedy.

The scenario of the CIA-sponsored Bay of Pigs invasion called for the murder of Fidel Castro. It was reported by some sources that Fidel Castro did ingest some poison just before the invasion, although these reports have never been confirmed. In any event, Fidel Castro did not die.

The Bay of Pigs began on April 15, 1961, when a B-26 bomber took off from an airfield at Puerto Cabezas, Nicaragua. Authors Thomas Ross and David Wise elaborated: "The tall, 35-year-old Cuban exile pilot sat alone in the cockpit of the big bomber...On the nose of his plane the number 933 had been painted in black letters. On the tail, the letters F-A-R - the markings of Fidel Castro's Air Force. But Mario Zuniga was not a Castro pilot. He was flying on an extraordinary Top Secret CIA mission." As part of the propaganda campaign against Castro, Mario Zuniga was slated to land at Miami Airport, then claim he was a Cuban Air Force defector who had joined with other defectors, and carried out an air strike against Fidel Castro. There was to be an air strike, but it would not be carried out by defecting pilots. A few hours after Mario Zuniga took off, eight B-26s headed to Cuba from Nicaragua, each with a payload of bombs.

When Mario Zuniga landed in Miami, he cut his right engine as if it had been put out of action by gunfire. Photographers were allowed to take pictures of his bullet-pocked aircraft. Mario Zuniga read the pre-written statement prepared by HUNT and PHILLIPS: "I am one of 12 B-26 pilots who remained in the Castro Air Force after the defection of Pedro Diaz Lanz. My comrades and I had broken off earlier, to hit airfields that we agreed they would strike. On the way out, I was hit by some small arms fire..." Miro Cardona of the Cuban Revolutionary Council issued this statement: "The defections came as no surprise, because the Cuban Revolutionary Council has been in contact with, and encouraged, these brave pilots."

The Cuban Ambassador to the United Nations, Raoul Roa, gravely protested the latest CIA violation of Cuba's sovereignty: "The statement of Miro Cardona that he had been in touch with those who did the bombing was a violation of United States Neutrality Laws." Tracy Barnes had briefed U.N. Ambassador Adlai Stevenson about the invasion. Ambassador Stevenson accepted the cover story given to him by Tracy Barnes at face value, and was unaware that the attacks on Castro's airfields had been conducted by the Agency-sponsored Brigade. Ambassador Stevenson: "No United States personnel participated. No United States Government airplanes of any kind participated. The two planes, to the best of our knowledge, were Castro's own Air Force planes, and according to the pilots, they took off from Castro's own Air Force fields. These pilots have apparently defected from Castro's tyranny. I have here a picture of one of these planes. It has the markings of the Castro Air Force right on the tail, which everyone can see for himself." Ambassador Stevenson went on to read Mario Zuniga's statement.

The next morning, many papers ran the Associated Press lead out of Havana, Cuba: "April 15, 1961. Pilots of Prime Minister Fidel Castro's Air Force revolted today and attacked three of the Castro regime's key air bases with bombs and rockets."

Tad Szulc's story in The New York Times questioned how the Cuban Revolutionary Council had advance knowledge of the fliers' defection, since the pilot who landed in Miami described their escape as hasty. There were other unanticipated problems with the HUNT/PHILLIPS cover story. The B-26 which landed was the wrong model for the Cuban Air Force. When Mario Zuniga appeared on television, his wife called a wire service and asked, "What's my husband doing on T.V.?" A Miami reporter saw the bullet holes, but noted that dust and grease covered the bomb-bay fittings, and that the plane's guns did not seem to have been fired. The cover story was becoming transparent.

Thanks to HUNT and PHILLIPS, the Bay of Pigs invasion was off to a bad start.

Richard Bissell was encouraged by the partial success of the April 15, 1961, raid. Nine B-26s had left Nicaragua: one was shot down, three landed in the United States and Grand Cayman, and five returned to base. The next phase of the Bay of Pigs script called for the destruction of Fidel Castro's Air Force on the ground by another Cuban exile air strike. This second strike was scheduled to take place at dawn on Monday, April 17, 1961, as the 1,400-man exile invasion force fought its way to shore. The invasion, which was to supposedly coincide with an internal uprising, was meant to establish a beachhead, after which the exile government would call for help from the Organization of American States. President Kennedy insisted that no Americans be involved in the actual invasion.

Thomas Ross and David Wise explained what happened next: "Political and foreign policy considerations began to outweigh the tactical plan. The cover story crumbled as Sunday wore on. United States participation was rapidly surfacing. The CIA plan had hinged on the assumption that Mario Zuniga's cover story would hold for at least 48 hours. In that event the second air strike would seem like the work of rebelling Castro pilots, or be overlooked in the general confusion of the invasion...All had hinged on the Mario Zuniga story. With that story fast unraveling at the edges, could the President allow another B-26 strike Monday and still convince the world that somehow a new covey of Castro pilots had defected from the Cuban Air Force? The President decided he could not."

The Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Allen Dulles, was in Puerto Rico during the Bay of Pigs. Months before, he had accepted a speaking engagement there, and he believed its cancellation might have alerted Castro to the invasion date. With Allen Dulles in Puerto Rico, General Charles Cabell became Acting Director. En route home from a morning of golf, Charles Cabell decided to check on the progress of the invasion. HUNT related: "It was this chance decision that was to affect the destinies of men and nations from that moment on." When Charles Cabell heard about the second air strike, he reflected: "Now, seems to me we were only authorized one strike at the airfields." Charles Cabell was told there had been no restriction on the number of strikes. "Well," Charles Cabell said, "I just don't know about that. So to be on the safe side, I'm going to ask [Secretary of State] Rusk about it. Meanwhile, someone call Richard Bissell and get him in here. Cancel that strike order until I can get someone to approve it." Charles Cabell could not reach Secretary of State Dean Rusk, because Dean Rusk was attending a meeting at the State Department. Charles Cabell and Richard Bissell went to the State Department and met with Secretary of State Dean Rusk. Dean Rusk called President Kennedy. President Kennedy refused to authorize another air strike. HUNT called Tracy Barnes and reported what happened. PHILLIPS told HUNT that General Cabell's brain must have been "addled" when he didn't authorize the strike himself. Richard Bissell and Charles Cabell persuaded Dead Rusk and President Kennedy to at least allow the planes to fly limited support missions over the beach.

On the morning of the invasion - Monday, April 17, 1961 - the Cuban Revolutionary Council, on CIA orders, issued this press release: "Before dawn Cuban patriots in the cities and in the hills began the battle to liberate our homeland from the despotic rule of Fidel Castro and rid Cuba of the cruel oppression of international Communism..." Soon, HUNT dictated this bulletin: "The Cuban Revolutionary Council announces a successful landing;" then a third, which claimed, "Our partisans in every Cuban town and village will receive, in a manner known only to them, the message that will spark a tremendous wave of internal conflict against the tyrant...before dawn, the island of Cuba will rise up, en masse, in a coordinated wave of sabotage and rebellion which will sweep Communism from our country..." In 1961 HUNT won a commendation from the Chief/Western Hemisphere Division "for performance of duties with distinction in support of the mission outlined in Project (Deleted)."

On April 17, 1961, 27 Cubans were arrested in Havana and charged with having plotted to assassinate Fidel Castro. Partially because of this, there was no internal uprising, and no one came to the aid of the invaders. The Army of Fidel Castro arrived. They made short work of the exiles, who fought with a high degree of determination, although greatly outnumbered. The fact that Fidel Castro's Air Force had not been destroyed played a decisive part in his victory. The CIA's air force was decimated by ground and air fire when it flew its Kennedy-approved support mission. Manuel Artime was taken prisoner, as were over 1,000 Brigade members. PHILLIPS wrote that the staffers in the CIA war room had a visceral reaction to the episode, and began to retch and vomit.

"The recent landings in Cuba have been constantly, though inaccurately, described as an invasion. It was, in fact, a landing mainly of supplies and support for our patriots who have been fighting in Cuba for months...We did not expect to topple Castro immediately." [Ross & Wise Inv. Gov. p73]

In an article in Fortune Magazine, Charles J.V. Murphy, Frank Wisner's close friend, pointed out that the CIA was not to blame for the Bay of Pigs, because it had pleaded with President Kennedy for the air strike. President Kennedy wondered if Charles J.V. Murphy's information came from the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Allen Dulles. Allen Dulles asked HUNT to conduct an investigation that would clear him. HUNT allegedly trailed the leak back to an unnamed official in the Kennedy Administration who had supported the invasion. Despite HUNT'S investigation, President Kennedy believed that Allen Dulles was behind the leak.

HUNT and PHILLIPS blamed the Kennedy Administration, rather than taking the blame for the Bay of Pigs themselves. After all, it was the scenario they concocted which proved to be the downfall of the operation, since the failure of phase one had made it politically incorrect for President Kennedy to launch another strike. HUNT believed "the second air strike was basic to the success of the invasion. The fact that it was not honored resulted in the defeat of the Brigade." HUNT held President Kennedy responsible.

HUNT felt so adamantly about the Bay of Pigs he was willing to put his career in the CIA on the line by circulating a manuscript about the bungled invasion. In his analysis of Give Us This Day, Walter Pforzhiemer, the Curator of the Historical Intelligence Collection of the CIA, noted: "The manuscript has evidently been kicking around in publishing circles since at least mid-1968, presumably without CIA clearance. William Buckley of the National Review seems to have been shopping it at one point...the book is, in general, favorable to the CIA actions in the Bay of Pigs. The villains of the piece are certain liberal figures in the Kennedy Administration (Schlesinger, Goodwin, Stevenson) and to some extent, the President himself. In his concluding chapter, the author's bitterness is undisguised against those in the Administration and the press who took the opportunity of the Bay of Pigs incident to attack and denigrate the CIA. It is apparent that HAMILTON [HUNT] feels very deeply about the Bay of Pigs and its aftermath, to the extent that he is willing to put his career on the line by circulating this manuscript to several publishers without apparent clearance or authorization. He has utilized his nom de plume (Deleted) and it would not take anyone who was involved in the Cuban Project more than a few pages of reading to identify the author, as one potential publisher pointed out. The manuscript itself is the most comprehensive story of a CIA operation that has ever been written for publication...The author's claim that his book would provide no information not known to Castro's intelligence service or that details this late are of no value to the opposition, is, in my view, seriously open to question." [CIA EYES ONLY 2.16.70]

The CIA: "In January 1967 (Deleted) prepared a memorandum concerning Arlington House Publishers which, based on hearsay, indicated that a fight was going on for control of the company. One rumor was that CIA wanted to take over control. Apparently this memo was again brought to the attention of C/SRS in April 1970 with the comment by (Deleted) 'In going through some of (Deleted's) old reports, I found this. Possibly of interest in view of HUNT'S manuscript.' The buck slip was marked 'Noted PFG.' In June 1970 when I was assigned to the (Deleted)/SRS, there was a copy of HUNT'S manuscript on the Bay of Pigs being retained in a safe in the C/(Deleted) office. Some time later I learned that (Deleted) had apparently obtained it through a contact and had forwarded it to this office as an item of probable interest. The Agency was able to ascertain the identity of the author, who turned out to be HOWARD HUNT. HUNT was, I believe, at that time, employed by the Agency with DOD. In any case he was approached under some guise and was convinced that it would be inappropriate for him to have the book published at that time. On February 17, 1970 this Transmittal Slip was generated: "Mr. Gaynor discussed his meeting with T. K. and SAC. JIM McCORD to meet Wiley today and will find out more details of how Wiley and the Ms. came together. Sam Walker also in picture. Hold per PG for further word before other action." On January 14, 1975, Raymond Rocca had HUNT make numerous deletions in HUNT'S autobiography, Undercover.

Give Us This Day, written in 1968, contained this passage:

"No event since the communization of China in 1949 has had such a profound effect on the United States and their allies as the defeat of the United States trained Cuban invasion brigade at the Bay of Pigs in April, 1961. Out of that humiliation grew the Berlin Wall, the missile crisis, guerilla warfare throughout Latin America and Africa, and our intervention in the Dominican Republic. Fidel Castro's beachhead triumph opened a bottomless Pandora's box of difficulties that affected not only the United States, but most of its Free World allies. These bloody and subversive events would not have taken place had Castro been toppled. Instead of standing firm, our government pyramided crucially wrong decisions and allowed Brigade 2506 to be destroyed...Let this not be forgotten...LEE HARVEY OSWALD was a partisan of Fidel Castro, and an admitted Marxist who made desperate efforts to join the Red Revolution in Havana. In the end, he was an activist for the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. But for Castro and the Bay of Pigs disaster there would have been no such 'committee.' And perhaps no assassin named LEE HARVEY OSWALD."

Several years after he wrote this paragraph, questioned under oath about his knowledge of OSWALD'S connection to the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, HUNT stated: "If you say [he had a connection]. I have no idea." HUNT wrote: "But for Castro and the Bay of Pigs disaster there would have been no such 'committee.' And perhaps no assassin named LEE HARVEY OSWALD." Was he referring to the CIA rogue "committee," whose goal it was to kill President Kennedy, that had invented OSWALD?

HUNT stated: "I felt Mr. Kennedy was weak when he should have been strong. I felt that he was over-influenced by his senior advisors. I felt that he had not demonstrated the qualities of statesmanship that most of us had come to expect of the Chief Executive."

HEMMING also had a distorted version of events surrounding the Bay of Pigs: "Cabell lied and he never spoke to the President. The air strike was canceled on his word. It was Cabell's fault, not Kennedy's. Who the fuck was he doing this for? That's what ANGLETON asked. He was pissed with Cabell. Was this a ploy to have these guys stuck on the beach? Kennedy was already talking détente with Castro. Get off the Russian tit. Make arrangements for promissory notes and bonds for the confiscated property."

Other evidence suggested that the actions of President Kennedy during this crisis may have been motivated by his distrust of Cuban exiles. Newsman Bill Moyers reported that John F. Kennedy advisor Arthur Schlesinger told him: "President Kennedy was troubled by the plan and made this comment just before authorizing the Bay of Pigs invasion, 'If we have to get rid of these men it is much better to dump them in Cuba than in the United States, especially if that is where they wish to go.'"

In 1974 the Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities reported: "After the Cuban invasion failed, [HUNT] served as personal assistant to CIA Director Dulles. [HUNT'S] subsequent activities are not entirely known." According to HUNT, in May 1961 he and Allen Dulles worked on an inquiry commission regarding the Bay of Pigs whose members were appointed by President Kennedy, which was known as the Green Commission.

On October 3, 1972, the Associated Press ran this article datelined Paris: "The newspaper L'Aurore published yesterday an account of a former French resident of Algeria who said that in 1961 he had been hired to kill President Kennedy, but had withdrawn from the assignment at the last moment. The newspaper said Jose Luis Romero, who now lives at an undisclosed place in South America, had signed a contract with a French book publisher for the story of his life. The article, written by Philippe Bernet and Camille Gilles, quoted Romero as saying the attempt on Kennedy's life was to have been made during the American president's visit to France to talk with President Charles DeGaulle. Romero said that in Algiers he had been offered $460,000 through a man only identified as Mike who 'visibly worked for certain secret service of the United States.' He said after he got to Paris he got worried. He checked with the Secret Army Organization in Algiers and got orders to pull out of the deal."

On November 19, 1972, The National Insider ran the story from L'Aurore. "Romero, who was anti-Communist and anti-DeGaulle, allegedly thwarted the plot when he realized he was being set up as a patsy and that he was selected not only for his medical history (brain surgery following a land mine accident) and political revolutionary background which he believes the plotters would have used to convince the world he was a loner. The plot became known to Romero, he recounted, when a friend who was an American Embassy official and a high-ranking intelligence agent, set up a dinner meeting at which the friend, Mike, did not show up. Instead 'Two men entered an came up to my table. From their clothes I recognized them as Americans. They said they had come on behalf of my friend Mike. I realized something bigger must be up.' 'We must fake an attempt on General DeGaulle's life during Kennedy's visit to France,' one of them said. 'They offered me $400,000 for the deal half of it immediately and the other half after Kennedy was dead.' He then outlined the details of the plot and its preparations involving conversion to Swiss citizenship, and auto and a money belt given to him by Mike who had materialized to meet him in Spain. ('I was amazed to see him there.') Then, according to Romero's account, he returned to Paris and took a taxi to the cafe Le Paris where a contact gave me a plan. I still possess it in its original written form, the plans of the assassination.' He described two options of location for which the plans provided and the gun he was supposed to use. "A Remington .280 with an infrared scope. To get it, I was to wait near the Northern Railroad Station, where I would be handed the key to a public locker where the rifle was in a valise. (But) 'suddenly the brilliance of the scheme behind the scheme became apparent to me. The OAS would be blamed for the murder of Kennedy which would be masked as the result of a bungled attempt of DeGaulle, and the public would swallow it because DeGaulle had a history of near escapes from assassins. If I were captured and talked my confessions would be put down as the ravings of an insane man.' Romero said he then phoned his superior OAS officer in Algiers was told to drop everything. 'Let the American's murder each other if they want. This whole business may be blamed on us.' But because he was still involved by virtue of having accepted the money, Romero said he decided to go through the motions until he could escape the plotters who, he said, had him, 'followed in my every move.' When he went to pick up the rifle at the railway station, he 'went into the restroom and went out the other door as quickly as I could cross the room. I ran like mad for a hundred yards, then veered off in the direction of the docks. It would have been fatal for me to return to the hotel.' Romero said he fled to Italy, Switzerland, then the Congo and finally to Latin America where he used some of the money to buy a small ranch and where he still lives in seclusion. He reportedly claimed the evidence which documents his story - correspondence with Mike and a phony passport, a list of addresses and tenants of apartments from which he would have selected the shooting site, and the written assassination plan is in the possession of a lawyer in Geneva. 'I know my story has exceptional implications. It reveals that certain people were intent already in 1961 to murder Kennedy, using a revolutionary - me - as their patsy. Romero believes the same person or persons working closely with them who approached him about the assassination were possibly responsible for Kennedy's death later.'"

This article appeared in British newspaper the Guardian on December 1, 1972: "A book has been recently published in France, by the respected journalist, Camille Gilles. It is called $400,000 Pour Abbatre Kennedy à Paris and is published by Julliard. It tells of a former French legionary and Secret Army Organization operative called Jean Luis Romero. Impeccably documented, researched in France and South America, the book concludes that Jean Luis Romero is telling the truth when he claims that a CIA operative code-named 'Mike' offered him $400,000 to assassinate Kennedy on his visit to de Gaulle in May 1961. From circumstantial evidence in the book, including descriptions, there seems little doubt that 'Mike' was HOWARD HUNT." [The Guardian 12.1.73 Martin Walker]

The fact that the story was first printed in a respected Parisian newspaper L'Aurore and was coauthored by Philippe Bernet and Camille Gilles is significant. Although this researcher can find no traces of Camille Gilles, Philippe Bernet was the author of Roger Wybot and the Battle for the DST which was published in Paris by La Cite publishers in 1975. Wybot was a Gaullist resistance fighter who became head of the Direction de la Surveillance du Territoire (DST) internal security service. Philippe Bernet was also the author of a book about Colonel Le Roy-Finville and the clandestine services which was published by La Cite in 1980. Julliard Press in Paris did exist and appeared to be a serious publishing firm. The story was carried by the Associated Press. Then Martin Walker of the Guardian decided that one of these men was HUNT. Then the story was picked up by The National Insider. As far as this researcher has ascertained Martin Walker was the only journalist to ever actually see $400,000 Pour Abattre Kennedy a Paris. This researcher was unable to obtain a copy and does not believe the book was ever published. If it was published it would only have taken two months to get the book into print. On October 3, 1972, a possible contract with Julliard was being contemplated. On December 1, 1972, the book was already in print? Unlikely. What more likely happened was that publication of the book was canceled and the story was relegated to tabloid status at the behest of the CIA. There were numerous assassination plots against DeGaulle at this time.

The CIA reported on May 19, 1961: "Some extreme rightists believe that the only way that President DeGaulle can now be stopped from surrendering Algeria is to assassinate him...This attitude has reached fanatical proportions and those close to it believe that an assassination attempt against DeGaulle is certain to come in the near future...In May 1961 an attempt was made by two Secret Army Organization members to enlist United States Government (deleted) support in their operations against DeGaulle." [CIA F82-0184/1; Allen v. DOD #09787] A hired assassin, armed with a poison ring, was to shake DeGaulle's hand. On September 9, 1961, the Secret Army Organization Chief of Staff was arrested for perpetrating an assassination attempt against Prime Minister Charles DeGaulle. Two former Secret Army Organization officers were implicated in the conspiracy, which entailed planting ten kilograms of plastic explosive in some bushes, then detonating the explosives by remote control, just as Prime Minister Charles DeGaulle's limousine was going by. The detonating charge failed to trigger an explosion, and DeGaulle's automobile suffered only minor damages. Had the explosives detonated, he would have died.

Kennedy was scheduled to visit Paris on May 31, 1961. Did HUNT fly to Paris shortly after the botched Bay of Pigs invasion? Was it he and BARKER who contacted Jean Luis Romero? HUNT had worked out of Paris before. Was Jim Noel, an associate of HUNT and CIA Station Chief in Madrid at this time, Mike? HUNT was supposed to be working at a desk job at the CIA around this time, but HUNT, a spook, could have turned up anywhere. After the Bay of Pigs HUNT was no longer involved in Cuban propaganda. The CIA stated that in "November 1961 HUNT was reassigned to the Deputy Director Plans /Covert Action Staff, and in January 1962, to the Office of the Chief of the same Staff. In late 1961 HUNT wrote that he represented the CIA on the Interagency Committee on Cuba. It was alleged that in early May 1961 HUNT flew to Paris. There, he and BARKER contacted Romero. There is a gap in HUNT'S CIA career after the Bay of Pigs which was April 1961 to November 1961. The CIA has not released any of BARKER'S Operational Progress Reports for 1961. STURGIS testified that some time in 1961 BARKER contacted him on behalf of HUNT in regard to an assassination. It was likely that Romero told the truth and that the men involved were HUNT and BARKER. The Romero report was never adequately investigated.

The HSCA was informed by the CIA's Office of Security that "On the basis of information furnished regarding Jose Luis Romero, this office cannot locate any identifiable information on him." The CIA did locate files on Jose Romero, a G-2 Staff member. [DOS FOIA #751.11/9-961] HUNT was asked about Romero by Howard Liebengood of the SSCIA: "A former Legionnaire says that he was somehow approached in Majorca and given certain money to assassinate President Kennedy when he visited DeGaulle at Orly Airport and the names of BARKER and HUNT have both come up in that context." HUNT said he had no information on this. Romero was never shown a photo of HUNT or BARKER nor has he been heard from since this report was published. HEMMING stated: "Interview Romero. Show him a picture of HUNT. Bullshit. OAS was headquartered in Lisbon, not Paris. We dealt with OAS people. They were on the run."

In January 1962 President Kennedy retired the CIA officials involved in the Bay of Pigs, including Richard Bissell, Charles Cabell and Allen Dulles, who was forced into retirement. Allen Dulles died on January 31, 1969. John McCone of Standard Oil and Bechtel became the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency. Richard Helms became Deputy Director (Plans) as a result of his having kept his name out of the Bay of Pigs CIA documents. General Charles Cabell went to work as a member of the board of the Pacific Corporation, the parent company of Air America, the CIA-run air carrier. General Charles Cabell (born October 11, 1903) collapsed and died after a physical examination at Fort Meyers in April 1971; his brother, Earle Cabell, (born October 27, 1906), died in September 1975 of natural causes. In Undercover, HUNT described Charles Cabell as a "short, rather aggressive man, who came to the CIA with no prior background in covert intelligence, much less in propaganda or political action operations." [p93] In Give Us This Day, he blamed Charles Cabell for the outcome of the Bay Of Pigs invasion: "If only Cabell hadn't come mousing around."

On October 12, 1961, Bruce Solie, C/RB/SRS wrote: "Attached is a copy of a memorandum dated September 29, 1961, concerning a request for permission for the Subject to reestablish contact with (deleted). Mr. O'Neal, CI/SIG, brought the attached to the attention of the undersigned and the contact has been approved by Mr. Helms...Although the above contact of the Subject with (Deleted) is (Deleted) EAB was advised of the above by the undersigned and the above is being made a matter of record in Subject file."

On May 29, 1962, HUNT was reassigned within the Domestic Operations Division effective July 1, 1962. In July 1962 Subject was transferred to the Research and Publications Section, Facilities Branch, Domestic Operations Division, Deputy Director/Plans, Washington, where he worked as an Operations Officer under Tracy Barnes. On July 31, 1964, he joined the Domestic Operations Division Covert Action Staff and worked under Cord Meyer.

The Rockefeller Commission reported HUNT joined the Covert Action Staff of the Domestic Operations Division in August 1961, and worked out of Field Office, Domestic Operations Division/Deputy Director /Plans, as Chief Operations Officer. HUNT'S office building was located one block from the White House (1750 Pennsylvania Avenue).

The rear flyleaf of OSWALD'S address book contained the markings "815 Penn." On the bottom of the same flyleaf the numbers "7.50" were found. The significance of this is unknown.

On August 29, 1962, HUNT filed out a Request For Cover (Deleted) "Inclusion of SAC on the (deleted) is requested for the reason noted below. When notified that (deleted) has been established, SAC will be specifically authorized and instructed to (Deleted). Subject is currently included on the (Deleted). For the reason noted below, it requested that this employee be removed from the (Deleted) Type Suggested (Specify (deleted) Justification if (deleted) Suggested. Approved by Central Cover Division Requesting Official, (Deleted) Chief, Security, DODS." On September 21, 1962, an answer to his request was generated: "Notification of Establishment of (Deleted). To Chief Operating Component Attention Miss Lynch. Submit Form (Deleted) to change limitation to category 3, submit form (deleted) for any change (Deleted), submit (deleted) form for transferring (deleted). Signed James W. Franklin, Chief (Deleted)." On October 29, 1962, HUNT filled out a SUPPLEMENTAL PERSONAL HISTORY STATEMENT for the CIA. HUNT's present supervisor was Stanley H. Gaines, C/DODS/OPS. "Additional Remarks: Between July 1960 and March 1961 I was with Project JMATE, assigned to Mexico City and Coral Gables, Florida, where I was known under the operational alias of Edward J. Hamilton."

On November 14, 1962, the CIA generated a document about HUNT'S wife's possible employment that was addressed to the Chief, Personnel Security Division, OS, through the Chief, Employee Activity Branch/PSD/OS. Reference was made to a memo from HUNT dated November 7, 1962.

1. Subject, Chief, R & P/DODS/DD/P (deleted) indicates that his wife, Mrs. Dorothy L. Hunt has been employed by (Deleted) which firm does public (Deleted). The firms contract is to be (Deleted) have suggested (Deleted). Subject indicates also that most of this work would be done at home and that with Agency concurrence his wife had worked for the (Deleted) during 1955 to 1956. Subject requests security approval for his wife to accept employment with (Deleted). There is no indication that the request has been coordinated with the Chief, DODS.

2. (Deleted) Central Cover Group, advised that there were no cover objections to the proposed action.

3. Memorandum dated January 24, 1957, to DC/PSD from Bruce Solie in Subject's file indicates that the employment of Mrs. Hunt by the (Deleted) has been approved by the security officer in (Deleted). Subject's file indicated he has been a continuing security problem because of a tendency to disregard regulations and established procedures. OS file #35576 on Subject's wife indicates she (Deleted).

4. The proposed employment of Subject's wife by the (Deleted) appears incompatible with Subject's employment by CIA. In addition, although Mr. HUNT has (Deleted) his Agency employment could be ascertained with resultant embarrassment to the Subject, the Agency or the nation. Accordingly, it is recommended that Subject's request be security disapproved. (Deleted) Appraisal Section.

According to HUNT, the Domestic Operations Division was formed "after considerable bureaucratic struggle by Tracy Barnes." Tracy Barnes left the CIA in December 1966, and joined the faculty of Yale University. He died of a heart attack on February 20, 1972, at age 60, in his Rhode Island home. HUNT continued: "The new division accepted both personnel and projects unwanted elsewhere in the CIA...Many men connected with the Bay of Pigs failure were shunted into the new domestic unit." The charter of the Domestic Operations Division outlined its mission: "To exercise central responsibility for the direction, support and coordination of clandestine operational activities of the Clandestine Services conducted within the United States against foreign targets in response to established operational requirements. Nothing in this instruction shall be construed to vest in DODS responsibility for the conduct of clandestine internal security or counter-intelligence operations in United States, former IO activities now assigned to Covert Action Staff or other categories of special activities designated by the Deputy Director of Plans from time to time. Organization: although DODS combines the aspects of both a division and a station, primary emphasis is placed on its station functions and the essential relationship of DODS to divisions and staffs parallels that of a foreign field station. The future establishment of subordinate domestic bases is envisioned. Functions: (Deleted)." [NARA HSCA 180-10095-10058]

ANGLETON told Seymour Hersh that much more spying and other illegal activities were conducted by the Domestic Operations Division than by Counter-Intelligence. The charter of the Domestic Operations Division forbade it from conducting, "other categories of special activities designated by the Deputy Director of Plans from time to time." The words, from time to time, appear in the Charter of the CIA: "(5) To perform such other functions and duties related to intelligence affecting the national security as the National Security Council may from time to time direct." These words have often been interpreted as giving the National Security Council permission to commit a political assassination when the President felt it necessary. What "other functions affecting the national security" may be required by the President on an occasional basis? The assassination of a hostile national leader? After World War II, many people were asking themselves: "How many lives could have been saved if Adolf Hitler had been assassinated?"

HUNT said his work for the Domestic Operations Division involved subsidizing Frederick Praeger which he termed a CIA propaganda operation in that Praeger produced books at the request of the CIA. HUNT stated that Fodor Travel Guide Publishers was a CIA front the purpose of which was to provide cover for agents overseas. HUNT told The New York Times on December 31, 1974: "My staff ran a media operation known as Continental Press out of the National Press Building in Washington, D.C. On February 24, 1967, Frederick Praeger was quoted in The New York Times as having stated the he had published 15 or 16 books at the CIA's request.

When this was publicized Henry L. Bretton, a Professor of Political Science, and author of the book The Rise and Fall of Kwame Nkrumah, published by Frederick Praeger Publishing, complained to his Congressman and to the CIA. On January 14, 1975 the CIA generated this: MEMORANDUM for (Deleted) SA/ADDO

SUBJECT: Name Trace - Henry L. Bretton and Praeger Publishing Corporation.

REFERENCE: OGC 75-0088 January 10, 1975.

1. In response to the referent request, we have checked IP, OSG/OC, FR, DCD, ITG, and CI files with the following results:

a. IP -- 201-153109

b. OSG/OC -- no record.

c. FR -- no record

d. DCD -- see attachment.

e. ITG -- no record f. CI -- no record g. CCS -- see below.

a. The IP 201 file indicated Subject was a former OSS man who had used the name Henry Bismark. He was met by (Deleted). At that time he indicated he did not want to get involved with the Agency. There is no paper in the file after 1964.

b. CCS reported various agency contacts with Praeger but CCS itself had no such contacts. (Deleted)

2. The results of this check are forwarded in this format to allow you to respond as you may wish to OCC who had requested an answer by January 13, 1975. This confirms my phone conversation of this date. (Deleted) Chief, OSC/OC.

The Office of Security records indicated Bretton was born May 18, 1916 in Berlin, Germany: "In July 1945 Bretton who was an Army enlisted man attached to MIS (Fws) FID was under consideration for transfer to OSS. An investigation at that time raised questions as to Bretton's political sympathies. Consequently Bretton was security disapproved in August 1945 for transfer to OSS." Bretton was upset about this and visited the Security Office. "In July 1956 Bretton was of interest to the Domestic Collection Division as a potential source of foreign intelligence information. In connection with this interest, National Agency Name Check was conducted on Bretton at Army Intelligence...Another name check on Bretton in August 1963 of the file of the Counter Intelligence Records Facility, Army Intelligence Center, disclosed that Bretton was investigated in August and September 1955 by the CIC (Deleted) The results of this investigation were reportedly favorable to Bretton. Based on past (1945) unresolved questions regarding Bretton's political orientation, Bretton was security disapproved in September 1961 as (Deleted) stay completely away from Bretton."

HUNT told the SSCIA: "After Allen Dulles' resignation and retirement, I was assigned for about a period of a week to the Covert Action Staff and then I was transferred to the newly set up Domestic Operations Division under Tracy Barnes, which was really the Commercial Operations Division under Tracy Barnes, although it was never so called. I was the first Chief of Covert Action for the DOD and we inherited as a new division a number of projects that had been running for a period of time, that had been run by the commercial staff of the Agency and by a number of the geographic divisions.

"The purpose of turning these ongoing projects over to the Domestic Operations Division was to centralize contacts with publishers in the United States for the benefit of geographic divisions such as the Asian or Far East Division which might want a book published on (Deleted) for a particular purpose. They would come to Tracy Barnes for a particular request. And I should say that the relationship with the (Deleted) Publishing Company had been in existence for quite a period of time and I think they were managed by Cord Meyer International Division, if I'm not mistaken, or possibly the Covert Action Staff. But what we received were ongoing operations. We were sent the case files for the (deleted) project for the (deleted) for the (deleted)."

HUNT told the Rockefeller Commission: "January 1962 assigned to the DOD of DDP, handling proprietaries based in the U.S. (impact of which is abroad.) Immediate superior was Stanley Gaines was either Chief of Operations or Executive Officer of DOD and Tracy Barnes was Division Chief of DOD. (Barnes is cousin by marriage to Vice President Rockefeller). (Deleted) prepared news and radio broadcasts for foreign (Deleted) a cover operation (Deleted) HUNT questioned whether it had any use. Had been set up in 1946 as cover. Headquarters was at 1717 H Street N.W. and then later on Pennsylvania Avenue. This assignment lasted until Spring 1965." [Olsen's Handwritten notes]

The FBI reported: "On February 8, 1961, (Deleted) Chief Patrol Inspector, United States Border Patrol, informed that during the late evening hours of February 3, 1961, and the early morning hours of February 4, 1961, Border Patrol Inspectors, accompanied by the Miami Harbor Patrol, at the request of the Miami Police Department, on a surveillance of the tugboat Gil Rokie. According to (Deleted) in an attempt to stop the tugboat, officers of the Harbor Patrol fired warning shots after the tugboat failed to heed the Patrol boat's siren. Several shots were fired by a .22 rifle, .38 caliber pistol, and a shot gun using regular ammunition. It is unknown whether this warning fire was returned from the tugboat, according to (Deleted) and the crew on the tugboat attempted to run close to the shore at Northeast 43rd Street, Miami, and ran aground. The men then attempted to escape by wading and swimming ashore. Four were arrested, and one individual, whose identity is unknown at this time, managed to escape. After the tugboat ran aground, the individuals were observed throwing firearms over the side. The tugboat had field packs and ammo (M-1) in quantity aboard. The Cuban arrested on February 4, 1961, was identified as (Deleted) 22 years of age, (Deleted) arrived in Miami October 3, 1960 as a refugee..." [FBI 2-1499-48]

On April 24, 1961 the CIA in Miami, Florida reported: "STURGIS claimed to be a member of the anti-Castro group, FRD. Subject has camp 40 miles from Miami, with Max Villa Jr. in charge. Camp site deserted as of January 1961. On February 4, 1961, a tugboat Gil Rokie was stolen from Miami by group, some of whom were later arrested, and had previously stayed at Subject's Miami residence. Source reported Subject on February 26, 1961 had returned from what he described as his unsuccessful attempt to get into Cuba. Newspapers reported Subject's U.S. citizenship restored after he made appeal to INS. Some of thieves were Alex Rorke, Bob Rostallion, Dick Whatley. a Ken Proctor was also involved." [CIA DBF-75627 4.24.61 also see DBF 89191 9.22.61]

BARKER'S Operational Monthly Report for June 1962 indicated that he was contacted by the CIA on June 5, 1962, June 11, 1962, and June 18, 1962. BARKER'S reports, none of which were disseminated, included information on the activities of FRANK STURGIS and "possible sources of Miami Herald report on Manolo Ray's outshining Miro Cardona in (Deleted)'s eyes. While it is hoped that in the near future Subject will develop sources of more disseminable information, his current reporting is of definite operational value and of interest for the files. Operationally, Subject's sources were scrutinized. He listed for the case officer some 180 individuals who had been the direct source of previous reports and who would give him information on request. These sources run almost the entire gamut of Cuban exile organizations. Unfortunately, however, all of these sources know, or could easily find out, that Subject was and probably still is a KUBARK agent. Pointing out the negative value of this reputation (while admitting it is not without its positive side) the case officer has Subject to submit a plan by which the more significant targets might be tapped in a more indirect fashion so that we might find out what certain groups are doing and planning that they would not want to tell someone who might be expected to report back to KUBARK..." [To: C/TFW from JMWVE 7.13.62]

MEMORANDUM October 1973

SUBJECT: FRANK FIORINI STURGIS

Following is information from further review of FIORINI's official file in response to Daniel E. Schultz' inquiry to the Agency dated September 27, 1973.

There are four volumes to FIORINI'S 201 file, the majority of its content being reports from the FBI dated from 1958 through April 1969.

Agency information included a cable from (Deleted) Cuba dated January 7, 1959 stating FIORINI claims to be chief of the 26 July Arms buyer in Miami and willing to cooperate 100 percent in supplying info. Cable stated it possible FIORINI may loose value to rebels but believe worthwhile CIA endorse his staying on. Headquarters CIA replied that FIORINI had been under FBI investigation for possible registration act violations and base should deal with FIORINI under strict consular cover and not make any commitments which might be later construed as U.S. Government approval of his activities. Wish to reiterate here that FIORINI was never employed by the CIA.

The following is worth of note. FIORINI was involved in November 1961 to December 1961 leaflet dropping flights over Cuba. The FBI queried the CIA about allegations that the flights by FIORINI and Alexander Rorke Jr. were entirely supported by CIA with CIA arranging Air/Sea rescue, and that all of FIORINI'S actions were known to CIA Miami and his activities being done on CIA instructions. Headquarters CIA was satisfied allegations not true but trouble in view of fact FIORINI was in contact with CIA rep Florida who used name "BARKER" who supposedly gave FIORINI phone number for CIA Miami office. FIORINI was to call this number if he was arrested or stopped on flights and the CIA would 'get him out.' These Cuban overflights were not authorized by the CIA and the FBI was alerted to the fact it was not a CIA operation. (BARKER was generally known in the Miami area as a CIA source.) Since BARKER was a close friend of FIORINI, BARKER, shortly before the Bay of Pigs invasion, was asked by the CIA to attempt to obtain from FIORINI information concerning the activities of FIORINI. BARKER met with FIORINI several times a month from Fall of 1961 to July 1962. BARKER reported on STURGIS on July 13, 1962, and on July 19, 1962. Barker insisted when queried by CIA case officer, that he never revealed classified information or operational data including JMWAVE phone numbers to FIORINI. FIORINI told BARKER that the leaflet op was conceived by Sergio Rojas. A Headquarters cable to JMWAVE dated July 1962 stated that Rojas had been non-operational since February 1962. Chris Hopkins.

[CIA Memo 10.73 Chris Hopkins]

Date July 18, 1962

TO: Director

From: JMWAVE

Action: C/TFW 3

Info Cite WAVE 5891

1. In reply to FBI, please avoid possible embarrassment in attempting protect BARKER who generally known in Cuban exile community as KUBARK source.

2. BARKER close friend and sometime confidant of FIORINI since initial contact at KUBARK behest shortly after Cuban invasion. BARKER says he admires FIORINI and speaks frankly with him on matters known or knowable his sector but insists he never revealed classified info or operational data including JMWAVE phone numbers. They have met several times a month on average since last fall.

3. Following is summary debriefing July 16, 1962 requested in reference and review all (Deleted) [BARKER] reports FIORINI contacts.

4. Investigation of reported Phantom Cell flight over Camaguey October 21, 1961 assigned BARKER who November 9, 1961, reported that all other leads having come to dead end he (illegible) FIORINI with "FRANK I know." Latter surprised (illegible) embarrassed gave reasonably full details of (illegible) Sergio Rojas who called FIORINI early October from N.Y. for conference with him and Diaz Lanz brothers in Miami. Rojos agreed with FIORINI better operate without Diaz Lanz brothers who had been briefed. They later used this knowledge in attempt to claim sponsorship. FIORINI hired four U.S. pilots at $1,000 each and two Beechcraft for $2,000 took off from Miami International for Nassau with crew of three in each plane. Rorke flew with FIORINI. From Nassau they took of separately for Camaguey and Santiago but storms prevented Santiago so that both drops totaling 400,000 pamphlets made over Camaguey. Planes returned Nassau thence returned Miami. Rojos meanwhile went Nicaragua to use successful drop as trump card in play for Somozo backing in future Ops.

B. BARKER reported December 13, 1961, that another overflight planned for December 9, 1961, aborted when Bob Swanner, one of four pilots on previous drop apprehended on landing at Nassau since aircraft rented at Miami for legal flights only. Further British investigation revealed eight bundles prop leaflets at Roman Key with Al (LNU) who runs Key for British owners named something like Bethel. FIORINI, Rorke and Bill Johnson (last probably one of the previous crew) arrested on arrival Nassau via commercial flight where they were to meet Swanner for final phase Op. Released after questioning they provided bail for Swanner and returned to Miami. Rorke took responsibility to arrange Swanner release while FIORINI asked BARKER put in good word at KUBARK to relieve U.S. Government border patrol pressure promising keep BARKER generally apprised future activities.

C. On February 2, 1962 (Deleted) reported that Robert Swanner of Miss. and Robert Thompson of Melbourne, Florida, missing in Comanche Cub after overflying Matanzas (Bodies never found) and that Rojos planning to bomb Havana electric plant with Lewis M. Leach Jr. of Ontario, California, in Mosquito bomber obtained through "Dip" Childress of Amarillo, Texas. Leach to receive $200 per week for preparations $2,500 for raid and $10,000 for wife in case of his death. Alternate target two oil tanks in Havana Bay waterfront. FIORINI charged with arrangements for Ops base.

In December 1961 STURGIS launched Operation Cellula Fantasma, a leafleting operation against Cuba. He apprised Michael Canfield: "You have to remember one thing. I've jumped from airplanes. I've made bombing raids, I've bought agents, you know, threw them out of airplanes with parachutes. I took weapons behind foreign countries for the underground. I've risked my life quite a bit." A Operation Cellula Fantasma press released stated: "Operation Phantom has continually harassed Fidel Castro with its air and sea missions to his island since the early days of his takeover. It was only ten months after the Cuban Revolution, as Castro was purging his rebel ranks of those not in step with his newly revealed Communist ideals, that the first phantom bomber buzzed Havana."

On the weekend of December 15, 1961, to December 17, 1961, one of the Operation Cellula Fantasma leafleting flights failed to return to a commercial airstrip at Norman's Cay in the Bahamas. Aboard this flight were Robert Thompson and Robert Swanner, who had been hired by STURGIS to fly this mission. STURGIS was listed on the Agricultural, Customs, Immigration and Public Health Manifest as a crew member on a private flight from Palm Beach to the Bahamas along with Swanner and Thompson. A Bahamas Customs Baggage Declaration indicated that STURGIS entered the Bahamas on December 14, 1961.

When the company which rented STURGIS the airplane tried to collect the insurance on the missing aircraft, the insurance company charged the aircraft had been used as an instrument of war, and refused to pay the insurance claim to the rental company. During a civil trial, J. David Finger of Melbourne Airways was asked about his business dealing with William Johnson:

A. At approximately 9:30 p.m. I called Bill Johnson at MU 1-5864, and was informed that Johnson was not in; he would return my call later. I kept calling him until a man by the name of Rorke answered the phone and informed me he could speak for Mr. William Johnson. And I asked him to find out from Mr. Johnson the whereabouts of the airplane and pilot, and he had informed me they had run into a little difficulty and that the airplane would be returned the following day. After completing my conversation with Rorke, I called the Border Patrol and gave them the information. On Wednesday, December 20, 1961, in a conversation with the Border Patrol, I was informed that a flight plan had been made by Robert Thompson with West Palm Beach Radio, destination Andros Island from Fort Lauderdale. That evening I again called William Johnson and spoke to Mr. Rorke again, who was very abusive; first claiming he did not know who I was and then stated to me, "Why should I tell you anything? You will only report it back to the Border Patrol." He had found out from the Border Patrol that everything he had stated to me had, in turn, been told to them. At this point I was given information [from the Border Patrol] that a Mr. Swanner, also holder of a pilot's license, accompanied our pilot from Fort Lauderdale. That is all I found out about that.

Q. When you were told by Rorke the first time you talked to him on the telephone there had been a little difficulty or the plane ran into some difficultly, did you ask him what the difficulty was?

A. Yes, but he was very evasive, he would not say. On February 3, 1962, while I was visiting Miami, I received a phone call from William Johnson who asked me if I had flown my own airplane into Miami from Melbourne. I said no. I told him I had driven down and what was it all about? He then told me that Neal Church of National Insurance Underwriters and another investigator were going to fly to Norman's Cay where supposedly the seats and door of the Apache 262 Pop were located.

Q. Were you curious about that information?

A. Yes. He also stated I should get a good lawyer.

Q. Did Johnson know this fellow Thompson, your pilot, before; do you know where?

A. Yes, they had many conversations up at Melbourne when they were up there...Whenever Johnson would come around the airport and Thompson was around, they would have a conversation.

Q. Did you know this fellow, Swanner?

A. No, sir. Never knew he existed.

Q. Did you know a fellow named FRANK FIORINI.

A. Just heard of him, never met him.

Q. At the time of the flight this fellow Thompson was your employee? By your, I mean Melbourne Airways.

A. Yes, sir.

Q. How long had he worked for you?

A. I think Bob was with us about nine months at that point, or less. I am not sure of the exact amount of time.

Q. Had Mr. Johnson requested any particular pilot when he called?

A. Yes, he requested that Bob fly, saying that he knows his ability and qualifications to fly over water and he felt safer with him.

In testimony, a fishing-boat captain who transported the crew to Norman's Cay recounted the downed plane had been carrying anti-Castro leaflets. James Hazen Jones had managed a fishing resort in the Isle of Pines and was in the real estate business before he left Cuba in June 1959 after he received a warning from the G-2. Jones moved in with William Johnson in Miami. Jones first met Johnson in 1958: "I met him in the Isle of Pines. Two or three other fellows came over with him in a small airplane." In Miami, Johnson introduced Jones to STURGIS. Jones also knew Swanner, who was a former crop duster from Mississippi. Jones also knew Rorke. Jones testified that he attended a meeting before the flight at which Swanner and Johnson were present. Either Thompson or STURGIS was also present. At this meeting it was determined that Jones and FIORINI would proceed to Norman's Cay by boat and Thompson and Swanner would fly there in a private plane. Johnson rented a boat from Miami Yacht rental which was piloted by Jones, who was a certified Ship's Captain. Jones testified the leaflets he was supposed to deliver to Norman's Cay consisted of stickers that read "Castro Failed," and leaflets which instructed the Cubans in sabotage and intelligence gathering. The leaflets were signed "The Phantom." Another of the leaflets read: "Set fire to transportation, Set fire to the bridges, Set fire to the warehouses, Set fire to the factories." The caretaker at Norman's Cay, Alden Lockhart Watt, allowed FIORINI and Jones to use his pick-up truck to transport the leaflets to an area adjacent to the airstrip. Jones and Rorke then proceeded to the Bahamas by boat to officially enter the island. By the time they returned to Norman's Cay Swanner and Thompson, after several bottles of beer, had left for Cuba. STURGIS was at the landing strip. Jones testified that STURGIS came to Norman's Cay with him by boat: "FRANK is very susceptible to seasickness, and he was seasick on that trip." When confronted with the customs transire he said that FRANK flew over with Swanner and Thompson, and Rorke, Johnson and himself traveled by boat. During cross examination Jones was asked:

Q. Do you know who employed Rorke and FIORINI?

A. No, I can't honestly say. I don't actually know for certain.

Q. Do you know if they were working for a Cuban agency, let's say a group of Cuban refugees.

A. They could be. That's all I could say. I know that they did work at different times for Cuban agencies.

Q. Do you know whether any of these people involved -- and I would include you in the question -- had any connection with the Government of the United States?

A. That I can't say.

Q. You can't say or you don't know?

A. I don't know, I don't know.

William Johnson testified that Robert Swanner, who lived in Johnson's home, chartered the aircraft. He said that when the aircraft left Norman's Cay it was headed for Caicos, not Cuba. Johnson did not see any leaflets aboard the aircraft. William Johnson said he had known Watt since 1960. After the plane departed FRANK and himself went fishing and Rorke took photographs. According to STURGIS associate William Johnson, the leaflets consisted of instructions on how individual Cubans could interfere with the Cuban economy. In June 1993 William Johnson was contacted: "We rented the airplane for CIA. We were doin' all the raids for Pedro Diaz Lanz. He was the one raising the money from Somoza. Pedro was gettin' the credit. STURGIS, Swanner and Thompson flew to Norman's Cay. I came over in a boat with the leaflets. STURGIS was going to fly that night, but the first takeoff was with STURGIS on the ground. Swanner and Thompson never came back. We went out lookin'. CIA took the leaflets that were left off a small key where we had put 'em. The Navy launched a search for them, but they were never found. There was a lot of complication there, nobody knew nothing, everything was quiet and hushed-up."

Swanner had previously received a letter from the State Department ordering him to stop violating Cuban sovereignty. Swanner's widow testified that she believed STURGIS and her husband were working for the CIA. Although the testimony of STURGIS (January 18, 1965) later turned up missing from the Archives of the Dade County Courthouse, newspaper accounts indicated he testified, denied knowledge of the leafleting flight and insisted he was on a fishing trip. The jury decided in favor of the rental company. [Cir. Ct. 11th Jud. Cir. Dade Country Fla. No. 63L 511 Gordon]

On December 19, 1961, the press reported that two planes from an unidentified Caribbean base had flown over Cuba and dropped anti-Castro leaflets, along with two parachutists with radio equipment. When Bahamian authorities arrested members of STURGIS' group for illegal entry, they were told the drop had been authorized and sponsored by the CIA in New York. [FBI 2-1499-NR 1.4.62]

On December 22, 1961, a Secret FBI memorandum concerning OPERATION PHANTASMA was sent to William C. Sullivan from S. B. Donohoe. The document was 30% deleted - much of the information in it originated with the CIA. The few available lines read: "Press reported on December 19, 1961, that two planes from an unidentified Caribbean base had flown over Cuba on December 17, 1961, and had dropped over 250,000 anti-Castro leaflets and two parachutists with radio equipment. Financial backing reportedly came from former Cuban diplomat (unidentified) who defected from Castro Government. Press noted this was second such mission, the previous one having been made on October 21, 1961 by two planes which dropped anti-Castro leaflets over Camaguey, Cuba. (Deleted)." A notation by J. Edgar Hoover on the document asserted: "This jungle of irresponsibility is almost inconceivable particularly since (? Sisco) outcable a few months ago. It is (?) more reason we should not be 'sucked' Cuban invasion etc as some have been inclined to get us in. H." [FBI 109-584 NR 1.4.62 Donahoe to Sullivan]

March 20, 1963

MEMORANDUM FOR: Stanley J. Grogan, Assistant to the Director

SUBJECT: Robert Swanner and Robert Thompson, Pilots Allegedly Shot Down over Cuba in December 1961.

REFERENCES: A. Articles by Al Wood in Orlando Sentinal March 12, 1963. Article by Al Wood in Orlando Evening Star, March 12, 1963. Article by James Buchanan in Pompano Beach Sun Sentinal, March 12, 1963.

1. On December 19, 1961, this Agency became aware of some aspects of the incident described in referenced reports. According to our records this was the third overflight of this kind attempted. On October 21, 1961, a leaflet drop was apparently made over Camaguey, Cuba, by U.S. citizens. On December 8, 1961, to December 9, 1961, authorities at Nassau intercepted and stopped a plane and U.S. citizens preparing to conduct a similar leaflet drop over Cuba. On the weekend of December 15, 1961, to December 17, 1961, another overflight was conducted by U.S. citizens and from this attempt two pilots and a plane failed to return.

2. Investigation by U.S. authorities of the activities cited above has been hampered by a welter of conflicting stories from second and third hand sources, as well as by inconsistent statements by the alleged participants. However, the following summary appears to be accurate. William Johnson has said that he, Robert Swanner and FRANK FIORINI made the October 21, 1961 overflight. Alexander I. Rorke, a freelance newsman and photographer who has been long on the fringes of Cuban exile activity, has claimed that he flew on this mission as an observer. On December 8, 1961, Robert Swanner was intercepted in Nassau in an aircraft chartered from Sunny South Aircraft, Fort Lauderdale. Swanner was met in Nassau by Johnson, Rorke and FIORINI. This group tried to get a permit to fly to Great Exuma Island, but the permit was denied; the plane impounded and Swanner fined $500 for illegal entry inasmuch as he had no authorization to fly the plane outside the U.S. On December 10, 1961, a search of Norman Cay produced nine packages of anti-Castro leaflets similar to the ones used in the October 21, 1961 operation. On December 14, 1961, Thompson flew from Melbourne, Florida, to Fort Lauderdale in an Apache aircraft No. 2062P, belonging to his employer, J. David Finger, and allegedly chartered by Johnson for an eventual flight to Nassau. In Fort Lauderdale, Thompson picked up Johnson. It is not clear whether Swanner and FIORINI were picked up in Fort Lauderdale, Tampa or West Palm Beach, but it is certain that at some point Johnson left the group and the FIORINI, Swanner and Thompson flew to Andros Island. On the evening of December 17, 1961, Finger reported to the FAA at Melbourne at Apache No. 2062P, with Thompson as pilot, was missing. On December 18, 1961 Rorke, FIORINI and Johnson reportedly chartered a plane in Miami for a trip to Bimini and Cay Sal. Rorke allegedly identified himself as a CBS photographer looking for photographs of pink flamingos. The plane flew a criss-cross pattern over Cay Sal and returned to Miami International Airport. There has been no information concerning the whereabouts of Thompson, Swanner and Apache No. 2062P until March 19, 1963, when the story attributed to an unidentified Cuban farmer appeared in the referenced press items.

3. As to the question of CIA involvement in the activities of the men cited herein, Johnson, FIORINI and RORKE have, at various times, claimed CIA sponsorship, although Rorke and FIORINI have also intimated they themselves, were the sponsors. In fact, none of these men had any sponsorship by CIA whatsoever. Sergio Rojas Santamarina, Castro's Ambassador to London from 1959 until June 1966, at which time Rojas broke with Castro because of conviction of the latter's communist orientation, appears to have been the Cuban exile sponsoring the operation. (Deleted) The policy which guided the Agency during the months in question permitted a great deal of latitude in dealing with Cuban exiles and, although little or no control over their activities was demanded, the authorization, funding and conduct of air operations against Cuba by this Agency were specifically forbidden. It is quite likely that Rojas, in his zeal to strike effective blows against the Castro regime, and despite this Agency's repeated expressions of disinterest in air operations, convinced at least Alexander Rorke and FIORINI that the leaflet drops were sanctioned by the CIA. About one week before the October overflight, and about one week before the December incident, CIA began to receive reports of impending leaflet drops over Cuba. As noted above, after the October 21 operation, Rorke and FIORINI claimed they had been involved. It was not until December that this Agency became aware of the full extent of the three overflights and the details of the involvement of Thompson, Swanner and Johnson. (Deletion).

4. In March 1962, Mr. Raymond J. Dwyer, a Miami attorney representing Finger in connection with possible litigation against the insurer of the Apache aircraft, approached this Agency for information inasmuch as there were widespread rumors of U.S. Government involvement in the incident. Mr. Dwyer was informed that this Agency had no connection with the flight in question or with the individuals named by him - Finger, Johnson, Thompson, Swanner and STURGIS.

5. In June 1962 this Agency received from State Department a query from Senator Robert Byrd on behalf of Mrs. Blanche DeBolt, Elkview, West Virginia, mother of Robert Thompson. Mrs. DeBolt was seeking clarification of various rumors concerning Thompson's whereabouts. This Agency informed State that we had no information that would substantiate any of the rumors.

6. This Agency has checked the transcripts of Castro's speeches from December 14, 1961 to December 31, 1961. He made no reference to having shot down two aircraft which were dropping bombs and leaflets on Havana and Mantanzas. As to the other elements of the incident as reported in references, this Agency can furnish no information on the following:

a. Mrs. Swanner story of having driven Swanner, Johnson and FIORINI to Fort Lauderdale to load a boat with leaflets.

B. The $500 checks reportedly given to Mrs. Swanner and Mrs. Thompson by FIORINI.

C. Mrs. Swanner's reported trip to Andros Island with her son and a friend of her husband.

D. The mysterious phone calls to Mrs. Swanner, Mrs. Thompson and others.

E. The role of Gene Asbury and Norman Gratsky or Gradsky.

7. The JOHN MARTINO mentioned in one of the referenced articles is probably JOHN VINCENT MARTINO who was sentenced by Cuban authorities in 1959 to 13 years in prison on the charge of counter-revolutionary activities. MARTINO was released and returned to the U.S. in October 1962, not in December as reported. MARTINO was not, and is not, employed by this Agency in any capacity.

Desmond FitzGerald

Chief, Special Affairs Staff

The Sun Sentinel - Fort Lauderdale News reported that two Cuban farmers testified at a trial in Miami years later that they had seen the red and white plane shot down by artillery over a sugar cane field around December 16, 1961. [The Sun Sentinel - Fort Lauderdale News 4.25.72] The Philadelphia Evening Bulletin reported: "The most positive word so far on their fate came recently when a refugee farmer brought from Cuba aboard the mercy ship Shirley Lykes, told newsmen he saw the plane crash after it was hit by Cuban anti-aircraft fire, killing both the pilots. The farmer, who asked that his name be withheld, said he saw a Piper Apache make a low pass over the city of Matanzas on December 15, 1961, dropping anti-Castro leaflets to workers in nearby sugar cane fields. He said the plane was hit and crashed into a sugar mill." [3.29.63]

HEMMING left Cuba in late August or early September 1960. He flew to Mexico and remained there until October 1960. In Mexico City HEMMING made contact with the Sandinista underground. HEMMING claimed that one of his contacts was a woman named "Sylvia Duran." HEMMING told this researcher: "The Cubans thought I was in Central America with the Sandinistas. The Sandinistas thought I had gotten misplaced due to being arrested on my way out of Cuba." His own version of his experiences was: "After getting my companions out of Cuba, I made my way to the United States via Central America. Upon arrival in the U.S., I spent long hours typing out CIA reports. After a period of weeks with no orders from the CIA, I decided to drop my cover and proceed to the Miami area." HEMMING entered the United States in October 1960.

When HEMMING returned to Los Angeles he contacted the Domestic Contacts Division of the CIA on November 1, 1960. HEMMING: "Some proposals were made to me about going back in place. Then another was to take a team in, but I didn't approve of them. I could have gone back overtly. I was the head guy for the Sandinistas. I ran an air base there, flew supply missions and inserted personnel inside Nicaragua. Morgan had been busted and that raised the paranoia level. After Morgan was arrested, I'm talking to OO." The information he gave the Domestic Contacts Division concerned "the markings of Cuban aircraft, operational capabilities and locations, missions, etc. along with reports regarding anti-Communist or anti-Castro leanings of Cuban, Nicaraguan and other nationals within the Cuban Rebel Armed Forces." [CIA 89; JPH ltr. 8.27.75]

The CIA confirmed that "HEMMING was probably telling the truth about furnishing reports to the Field Office...The contact produced 14 reports on Cuba. Our initial contact with HEMMING was in October 1960..." The CIA "Initial debriefs are in OO-3 reports 3/169, 982, 3/170,124, 3/170,077, 3/170,536."

"On October 11, 1960, (and subsequently on October 12, 1960, and October 21, 1960) the Domestic Contacts Division contacted HENNING, who related the following: He left High School in the middle of his junior year to join the U.S. Marine Corps (enlisted April 19, 1954 #1,488,24).. He reportedly rose to the rank of sergeant and during the later portion of his tour(he was discharged on October 17, 1958) he attended Bainbridge Naval Academy Preparatory School. HENNING claimed to have been accepted into the Naval Reserve Officer Training Corps subsequent to his attendance at Bainbridge, and he reportedly was slated to attend the University of Missouri. He changed his mind and decided not to enter the NROTC program because he wanted to engage in Special Forces type activity. He stated he tried several times to receive training of this type at Ft. Bragg and Ft. Benning but he was not successful. He then decided to leave the service and served the balance of his tour at the Naval Academy, Annapolis, Maryland.

HENNING returned to California in October 1958 and worked at various odd jobs including heavy labor, as he put it "...to get in shape." He left for Cuba by air via Miami on or about February 18, 1959. His reasons for going to Cuba are not completely clear in the mind of this writer (nor does the writer think they are completely clear in HENNING'S mind), but among the reasons undoubtedly are the following:

a. A strong desire to experience the excitement and glamour of warfare, and particularly guerilla warfare, and the opportunity to gain experience in this field.

b. The opportunity to combine the above mentioned desire with identification with a 'just' cause.

c. A desire to see for himself what was going on in Cuba, and possibly to carve a niche for himself from which he might be able to influence later developments.

5. At any rate, HENNING reportedly bluffed his way into the Cuban Army, with no prior connections having been made in the U.S. (He claimed to have contacted officials in the Cuban Counsel's office in Los Angeles prior to his departure and also to have talked to a few 26th of July Movement members including a (FNU) Topenez, but received no help there).

6. He reported that Captain Johnny Mitchell, a U.S. national who in February 1959 was serving at Headquarters, General Staff, Camp Columbia, befriended him and obtained a pass for him. He talked to a number of Cuban officers including Maj. (FNU) Castillo and Maj. Camilo Cienfuegos. The latter sent him to Major Enrico Borbonet Gomez a Fort Benning trained officer (1948 or 1949) who was forming a paratroop regiment.

7. Major Borbonet reportedly did not like HENNING or want him in his unit, but HENNING obtained orders from Camillo detailing him to the paratroop regiment as an officer. Maj. Borbonet refused to accept him as an officer so he went into the unit as a Sergeant about the end of February 1959. He helped train paratroopers first at San Antonio de los banos Air Force Base and later near San Jose de los Lajas, a small town about 35 miles southeast of Havana on the central highway. See 00 reports (Deleted) and (Deleted) for FPI gathered from HENNING in initial debriefs. Advance copies of additional FPI collected from him will be forwarded if desired.

8. In December 1959 HENNING transferred to the Cuban Air Force, since the paratroop regiment was obviously bogged down in training and had not even completed one jump. He was stationed at Saint Julian Air Force Base (inactive) where he flew patrols and helped train militia during the day and led some reconnaissance patrols against the anti-revolutionaries at night. He obtained a discharge from the Cuban Air Force in mid-June 1960 (between June 10, 1960 and June 13, 1960) and finally left Havana about August 30, 1960 when he entered the U.S. via San Antonio, Texas.

An FBI document concerning HEMMING titled "Constantine N. Kangles," was generated on May 29, 1961. [FBI 105-3530] HEMMING told this researcher: "He represented Cuba and Fidel in some lawsuits that Chuck Ashmann, our lawyer, started. We met him through Bob Brown. He had a lot of influence with people. He was a Greek Jew. He worked with the OSS in Greece. Now they have an interest in me dealing with him after the Bay of Pigs. Isn't that interesting? I was trying to keep the prisoners from being executed."

On June 27, 1961, the United States Border Patrol advised that Inspector Harry Rhodes, of the United States Border Patrol at Homestead, Florida, received a call from fisherman off Julia Island in the Florida Keys that some shooting was going on. "Upon arrival, Inspector Rhodes discovered that HEMMING and his group were conducting a jungle survey training class, and HEMMING had in his possession only one .22 caliber rifle, a small amount of ammunition and some equipment. The rifle shot apparently ricocheted and barely missed hitting a nearby fisherman. Those with HEMMING were identified as (Deleted)." On June 28, 1961, F.J. Baumgardner sent a Memo to William Sullivan regarding: "Anti-Communist Legionaries, Neutrality Matters." The document stated that "The Washington Capitol News Service, June 27, 1961, indicated that JERRY PATRICK, head of INTERPEN, allegedly associated with Junta Revolutionaria de Liberacion Nacional, had been practicing parachute jumping with members of his organization. The Director inquired: 'What do we know of this?' (Deleted) The group became known as the Anti-Communist Legionnaires. The members were reportedly living in the Everglades on snakes and swamp cabbage and had no housing. (Deleted) who has reported the group has only 15 to 20 members who are described as mercenaries, vagrants and adventurers and unreliable delinquents with an average age of about 22 years. No training camp is maintained but periodically, the group goes into the Everglades for training purposes to impress Cuban and Venezuelan groups hoping to get donations. (Deleted) The group seeks publicity; has no arms, equipment or transportation; is not accepted in the Cuban Revolutionary Movement; (Deleted) does not anticipate any expeditions by the group. According to the news release HEMMING claims his group is associated with the Junta Revolutionaria de Liberacion Nacional. We have no information indicating any such affiliation. This latter organization is an anti-Castro group (Deleted) and was reportedly created in March 1961 following a meeting of 117 Cuban organizations. We are following the activities of the Junta from an intelligence standpoint and on April 25, 1961, we also requested the Department to advise if its activities indicated a violation of Neutrality Statutes warranting investigation. The Department advised on May 15, 1961 that it was soliciting views of CIA concerning the group. No additional reply has been received from the Department." [FBI 2-1973-17]

On June 28, 1961, the FBI in Miami reported: "(Deleted) advised the membership has a high turnover, inasmuch as newspaper publicity caused these adventurers to come to Miami, but lack of any serious accomplishment causes them to become disillusioned and leave. At any one time, there are several members in jail in Miami for fighting, vagrancy and drunkenness. They beg food from Cuban grocery stores, are not employed, are usually without funds, and are dressed in Army combat clothes, boots, and a number of them wear beards. HEMMING and his group are interested in adventure and are willing to go to any Latin American country to engage in any revolution, not knowing the issues, reliability of the revolutionists, or the political ideology involved. HEMMING and his group are completely irresponsible and are not expected to accomplish any positive action and are stimulated by publicity given to them in the Miami, Florida, newspapers. (Deleted) (w/h HQ 2-1693-18 p3) (Deleted) explained that HEMMING and INTERPEN members have contacted many other Cuban organizations and individuals, seeking money donations, equipment and members, but they have always been refused. (Deleted) (w/h HQ 2-1693-18 p5- 6) The Miami Herald, on June 27, 1961, contained an article concerning INTERPEN...that stated the existence of this group was known by The Herald, but it became generally known to the public on June 26, 1961, after Florida Senator George A. Smathers disclosed that Cuban exiles are training in Florida. The article said that Senator Smathers disclosure on a nation-wide radio network brought other newsmen and television cameramen to INTERPEN headquarters on June 26, 1961." [w/h FBI HQ 2-1693-18 pages 10 - 11 Border Patrol] The CIA: "FBI reports 19-9/1 DBF 77030 May 15, 1961, and DBF 76893, May 11, 1961. Subject described as a Castro infiltrator. People in Miami afraid to move against him because of his strong personality and influence he has over those under his jurisdiction." [C/Contact CO Support]

In 1994 HEMMING stated: "He was a friend because we had shit on him. He was getting payoffs from Somoza and Trujillo." When the media came, HEMMING stated: "INTERPEN was part of the International Anti-Communist Brigade, which was associated with the Revolutionary Junta of National Liberation, led by Aureliano Sanchez Arrango." [FBI 2-1693-18] In a Freedom of Information Request to the FBI HEMMING asked for records concerning his "Operations with Cuban exile group headed by Dr. Aureliano Sanchez Arrango that included employees of Howard R. Hughes (Hughes Tool Company) including C. Osmeet Moody et. al. organized crime figures, and CIA operatives from 1961 to 1962." On June 28, 1961, after Senator George Smathers' announcement, The Miami Herald published a feature story by Dom Bonafede about INTERPEN; the article had previously been withheld because the Herald claimed it concerned a sensitive area of national policy. The Herald: "Smathers disclosure Sunday night on a nationwide radio network brought other newsman and T.V. cameramen flocking around INTERPEN Headquarters Monday afternoon. The INTERPEN Garrison is led by GERRY PATRICK, a young giant who stands six feet seven inches tall. With his long wavy hair, neatly trimmed tuft of beard and Australian bush hat, he looks a little like Errol Flynn in his early matinee days...'We weed out all the crackpots and bums.'" The article went on to describe the training which the members of INTERPEN received - living on swamp cabbage and parachute jumping and concluded: "Another anti-Castro band of Americans in Miami is lead by Vincent Hannard, a former registered agent for Castro who went over to the other side."

HEMMING 1994: "I tried to stop them from running the article. Bonafede was a CIA agent with journalistic cover. He was told to write the stories and invent a whole bunch of horseshit. We had no choice." On June 29, 1961, Senator George Smathers held a press conference in Washington, D.C., and reported preparations for another invasion of Cuba were not receiving any cooperation from the U.S. Government. [FBI 2-1693-NR 6.29.61.] Senator George Smathers, a friend of Batista, had won his Senate seat using red-baiting tactics similar to those used by NIXON. In 1970, when files of the JFK Library were made public, a tape recording revealed that Senator George Smathers had pestered President Kennedy to assassinate Fidel Castro. President Kennedy refused, and told Senator George Smathers that the CIA frequently did things he did not know about and that he was unhappy with the Agency. He complained to Senator George Smathers that the CIA was almost autonomous. On June 29, 1961 HEMMING was mentioned in an FBI document titled: "Roberto R. Pino, Augstin Capo, Adolfo Perez-Prieto, Paul Mena, Niva Reyes Balsera, Leonardo Rolando Balsera, FBI Field 105-3895; Bureau 105-98261." George Armistead Smathers died on Monday January 15, 2007. His father was a federal judge, his uncle was a United States Senator. He is survived by Bruce Smathers of Jacksonville, John Smathers of Arlington, Carolyn Hyder Smathers, and Virginia Meyers of Coral Gables. (NYT January 22, 2007)

After INTERPEN received national publicity, a Department Of Justice spokesman warned STURGIS that an investigation of the International Anti-Communist Brigade was under way.

On July 10, 1961, The Miami Herald ran an article by Dom Bonafede about HEMMING entitled "'We Choose How We'll Be Killed.' "In Cuba HEMMING joined up with Castro's hill-based rebels as a paratroop instructor. During this period he became friends with William Morgan...PATRICK still stands by Morgan. 'He was a pretty good damn head, damn good, the kind of guy hard to find...PATRICK also has a personal reason for wanting to return to Cuba. He left a Cuban wife behind. 'They, the Castro Government) don't know who she is. It wouldn't be good for her if they did. I think she is trying to get over here - but I don't know. I haven't heard from her in five months." On July 11, 1961, six INTERPEN members were arrested in the woods near Forman Field and charged with vagrancy. [Miami Herald 7.11.61] July 1961 was the month that it was announced that STURGIS' International Anti-Communist Brigade merged with INTERPEN and became INTERPEN/International Anti-Communist Brigade. HEMMING 1994: "There was no merger. INTERPEN/International Anti-Communist Brigade never existed. It was a meeting with STURGIS at Forman Field one fucking day in May 1961. We were rivals, we didn't get along. Two of my guys wanted to kill FRANK'S ass. Whatley and Willis. Willis was a strange one from Chicago. Bobby Willis was arrested in Guatemala in 1954, caused a big stink because he gave his name as Otto Skorzeny. [A Nazi war criminal] One of Masferrer's boys, FRANK'S boys, along with Bucky (Jerry) Buchanan. He came over to us when he got tired of FRANK'S bullshit. None of his people ended up in No Name, no way José. Howard Davis worked a couple of deals with him." I asked HEMMING: "If you and FRANK weren't buddies, how come one night you told me to meet you on a street corner in Little Havana if I wanted certain documents? When I showed up, you weren't there. A few minutes later, FRANK and this overgrown Cuban drove up to me as if they were going to assassinate me? I ducked behind a building when I saw them. FRANK got a big laugh." HEMMING explained: "They were tapping the fucking phones, the place was bugged, wherever the fuck we were talking. I didn't deal with fucking FRANK. During the Spotlight trial STURGIS gave [Attorney] Ellis Rubin a long list of things I had done to work against him. I remember two conversations with STURGIS." On July 31, 1961 the FBI generated a report on INTERPEN. [FBI 2-312 (field) 2-1693 (Bureau)]

On August 16, 1961, HEMMING and nine Cuban exiles who were connected to Eloy Menoyo piloted a fishing boat to Cuba and carried out an anti-Castro mission. The CIA: "INTERPEN had no Agency connection. Although HEMMING is not accepted by leading Cuban organizations, he is well-known to them." [Garrison Invest. CIA traces 12.2867 73.] HEMMING offered his services to the CIA in August 1961. An Official Routing Slip [Allen v. DOD 07595-1398 8.28.61] read: "I received letter from Subject offering services again. (Deleted) is recommending no (illegible)." HEMMING 1994: "This came from Jim Sprague who ran a Naval Reserve Detachment right next to the Miami News Building and he was supposed to be ONI, he was really CIA, along with Steve Czukas of U.S. Customs."

Counter-Intelligence Chief JAMES ANGLETON either generated or approved this report:

TO: Director, FBI. Attention Mr. S.J. Papich August 2, 1962

From: Deputy Director (Plans)

Subject "United States Citizens Who Wish to Volunteer to Fight for the Liberation of Cuba."

1. Reference is made to this Agency's CSCI-3,767,435 of October 4, 1961, Subject: United States Citizens Who Wish to Volunteer to Fight for the Liberation of Cuba.

2. The following information was received by this Agency from a usually reliable source concerning another interview on August 14, 1961 with the group in the above reference:

a. Source reported that "Little Joe" and Pat Stepanick came to ask him for help in obtaining a fragmentation hand grenade of the pineapple type. They also wanted source to accompany them on a mission planned by themselves to blow up the Cuban gunboat which was to be returned to Cuba that next day in exchange for the return of the Eastern Airlines plane. They said the object of this mission was to provoke an incident which would tend to force United States armed action against Cuba. Source said all efforts to obtain the grenade were fruitless.

b. According to source, the group with which the four Americans were working was called the Intercontinental Penetration Force (INTERPEN); "Patrick" (GERALD PATRICK HENNING) is the man who was acting as the chief of the group, and he had been training a bunch of Cubans in the Everglades. They relied a great deal on a man called "Larry" whose surname sounded something like Yidisepe. Identity cards for the members of INTERPEN were signed by a man called FRANK FIORINI, said to be of Italian descent. Source said there was another person who seemed to be higher in command than FIORINI; this person was described as a tall, stout man who had great prestige in the Junta de Liberacion headed by Aureliano Sanchez Arrango.

c. Source said that when he arrived with the two Americans at the place where they were living, a young man, allegedly a reporter for an American paper in Miami who spoke Spanish with a Mexican accent, was waiting for them. "Little Joe" said later that this man was their agent and had been the one to tell them about the Cuban gunboat plus information which had not been published in the papers. The newspaperman, according to the source, said that he had verified the fact that agents of this Agency had the district where the men were living under surveillance, and he was heard to refer to a bookstore. Source said he asked "Little Joe" to notify him how they knew when they were under surveillance, and there the newspaperman said the agents of this Agency gathered. Source reported that the attitude of these men was that the Bureau and this Agency must be regarded as enemies because they will not permit any action against Castro and Communism. Stepanick mentioned the fact that he had been arrested for vagrancy and held for 20 days in order to get rid of him.

d. According to the source, while he and the two men were waiting across the street from the Junta De Liberacion office they were joined by a tall young man with a mustache who said he was a Hungarian named Francoise. He said he spoke French and had fought in Indochina. Another man who joined them at the same place was a man whose left arm was missing. He claimed he was Joseph Canfield and was also known as "Gitano" outside of the United States..." [CIA CSCI 3/771,919; (Deleted)-2206 August 25, 1961]

On September 26, 1961 the CIA informed that FBI that a source had been approached by four Americans who said they wished to volunteer to fight for the liberation of Cuba. They were "Little" Joe Garman, William Dempsey, Jim Bruce a Korean War veteran from Texas, and Patrick Stepanick who said he fought with Eloy Gutierrez Menoyo.

The CIA:

"Dispatch

To Chief

From (Deleted)

Americans Who Wish to Volunteer to Fight in Cuba.

On August 13, 1960, (Deleted) submitted a report concerning his conversation with (Deleted) on August 11, 1960. During the conversation (Deleted) said the following: (Deleted) c. That they are friends of 'PATRICK' (GERALD PATRICK HENNING) the man who has received some publicity in the Miami papers concerning his training of Cuban paratroopers. (Deleted) August 23, 1961." [Highly Deleted as of 1993 18 18612] They are not politically minded and do not want to join or become a part of any private political movement. They made the decision to fight for Cuba because they consider that the men directing the United States Government are "incompetent and incapable of action' if the (U.S. Government) men were to decide to help the Cubans 'it would be in a clandestine manner, would force the Cubans to follow orders from the United States and would lead them to another failure.' For the above reasons, the four Americans wish to join the Cubans and fight independently. They would not mind loosing their United States citizenship by fighting with the Cubans, however, they want to be guaranteed the right to remain in Cuba if the war is won and they survive. They stated they had visited the Cuban Revolutionary Front offices on Biscayne Boulevard and had been sent to a recruiting office at 914 W. 12th Street...their economic situation is quite bad...Source stated that he was under the impression that these four men wanted to be recruited immediately as they have no money and no resources to continue waiting; all they want is to be fed and sent to a training camp to fight with the Cubans. HEMMING has been the Subject of numerous correspondence between the Bureau and this Agency.

CSCI-3/767,435

cc: Department of State

Department of the Army

WH/FI-CI/PMiller:mt

Based on (Deleted) - 2192 August 23, 1961, WH/4/Records September 26, 1961.

Distribution: Orig & 1 Addressees, 1-RID, 1 -CI/LIA, 1 - CI/ R&a, 1 - WH/4/R, 2 - WH/4/FI-CI." This document was also referred to as: "(Deleted) August 24, 1961 CSCI-3/767,435." [CIA 100-9-14 October 4, 1961; Info on HEMMING from various sources NARA 1993.08.03.19:05:37:060039]

The CIA reported that on October 4, 1961, HEMMING: "Met with Eloy Gutierrez Menoyo and planned to establish base outside of U.S. for training and future attacks against Cuba." [CIA DBF 91349 10.4.61 100-9-14] In October 1961 the FBI generated five reports concerning HEMMING. Two concerned INTERPEN. One of these was dated October 4, 1961, and covered the investigative period from July 22, 1961, to September 21, 1961. Most of this document has been withheld. One FBI informant reported HEMMING said he had "been to Cuba clandestinely on a boat with 11 men. He said that they had visited each province of Cuba and that four Cubans went ashore. According to HEMMING, these four Cubans had been trained with the Cuban invasion army in Guatemala in early 1961. (Deleted) said that although HEMMING admitted to him that he had clandestinely gone to Cuba, he did not clearly indicate the purpose of his mission other than that they had contacted the underground in Cuba." [FBI HQ 2-1693-39 many page w/h] The others were titled "Nicaraguan Revolutionary Activities, Los Angeles, October 9, 1961, 105-4223 (Field) 109-12-222 (Bureau); 30th of November Movement October 11, 1961 and October 14, 1961, Miami, Florida, File MM 97-406; Unstable Dynamite Located in Downtown Miami, October 11, 1961, File 157-0; Eloy Gutierrez Menoyo October 17, 1961, Miami, Florida, File No. 105-2102 (Field) 105-82298 (Bureau) and INTERPEN October 27, 1961, Miami, Florida, File No.2-312 (Field) 2-1693 (Bureau)." On October 19, 1961, the FBI contacted HEMMING "concerning the nature of his trip to Cuba and he denied he had made any trip to Cuba in August 1961. He also denied that he had typed a report concerning this trip or that he had told anyone he made such a trip. He said that sometime during the middle of August 1961, he went fishing about 30 miles southwest of Andros Island in the Bahamas with eight or nine Cubans. He said he could not recall the name of the boat which they had used, but said they were gone about 11 days, but all they did was fish." [FBI 105-86406-18] In a Freedom of Information Request to the Office of Naval Intelligence HEMMING asked for: "Memoranda, to and from FBI and ONI, in reference to my filing written, unsigned intelligence reports to ONI, through intermediaries, said reports including, but not limited to:

(A) A report referencing maritime infiltration operations against Communist Cuba, during 1961.

(B) Specifically, the report, forwarded to ONI, during August 1961, which reports details of my participation in a trip to the North Coast of Cuba, on a mission to insert four Cuban CIA Agents, who were on a classified mission."

On November 2, 1961, the FBI Director generated a letter about HEMMING. [FBI 105-86406] A CIA Official Routing Slip was generated in January 1962. On January 26, 1962, HEMMING filed out a Personal History Statement for the CIA. HEMMING had applied for CIA employment as a Intelligence Operative (collection or preliminary analysis; Military Instructor). He listed High School and College level G.E.D. equivalency tests and stated that he was

"Mentor, Cuban Rebel Army & Anti-Communist activities in Cuba & the U.S.A...Guerilla warfare instructor due to experience in Cuts, USMC and past training in airborne operation, Special Forces Activities, arms, explosives and demolitions. Limited experience in intelligence gathering.

"INCLUSIVE DATES: February 1959 to June 1960 San Julian Air Force Base, Piner Del Rio, Cuba, Adjutant-Pilot-Instructor...Adjutants duties, instruction of local militia units, patrolling by aircraft, foot and motor vehicle in desert area of Piner Del Rio Province. Involved in numerous anti-Castro conspiracies, arrested by Cuban intelligence agency (G-2). April 1954 to October 1958 USMC MCAS El Toro, Santa Ana, California, U.S.A. Military. Approach Controller. Maintain safe separation of aircraft flying under instrument conditions while A/C are making a navigational approach to the airport. Maintain the proficiency of junior controlling personnel through continuous instruction on the job. Transferred to AC "C" GCA Radar Operator School as NAS, Olathe, Kansas. November 1955 to April 1956, GCA Unit 40M, El Toro, Final Controller. Directing aircraft that are flying under instrument and or adverse weather conditions to a safe landing at an airport through the use of medium range search and precision radar. August 1956 to April 1956. MCAS Kanehoe Bay, (?) H. Military SGT. Link instructor. Instructions of pilots on flying procedures utilizing operational flight trainers and Simulators. Instructing on tower, GCA, GCI, refueling airborne, bombing (Special Weapons LABS & LOFT and all emergency procedures and techniques). Transferred to Naval Academy Prep School, NTC Bainbridge, Maryland. December 1952 to December 1953 Checker at supermarket. Left for short vacation in desert prior to enlisting in the Marines. August 1952 to February 1953. Rebuilding electric meters. Reason for Leaving: Enlistment, USMC (underage - refused). June 1960 to January 1962. Unemployed. Havana Cuba (till August 1960) Los Angeles California (till March 1961) Miami Florida. After separation Cuban Rebel Air Force (June 1960) was involved with Nicaraguan Rebels. Departed Cuba August 1960 for Mexico, then to Los Angeles. Maintained contact with CIA until departure to Miami in March 1961. Worked with numerous anti-Castro groups in Miami. Formed group of instructors known as INTERPEN, worked close with Triple A, 20 de Mayo, II Frente Escambray, 30th of November Movement. I received an honorable discharge from the U.S. Marine Corps October 17, 1958. I was forced to separate from the Cuban Rebel Air Force due to the fact I was becoming involved with various anti-Communist elements and my position was becoming dangerous. DIPAR (Cuban Armed Forces Investigation Department) issued a shoot on sight order during March 1960. The DIPAR order was suspended seven weeks after issue. The Cuban Secret Police (G-2) arrested me on July 15, 1960. After being released was subject to strict surveillance thereafter."

HEMMING used David Hirt, Sanchez Arrango, FBI S.A. John J. O'Conner and Howard K. Davis as references. STURGIS was asked if he knew S.A. James O'Conner during his deposition in HUNT v. ajweberman: "Well, him, his name registers. I believe - I'm not sure - he was one of the two agents pertaining to the Bay of Pigs Invasion." HEMMING listed membership in Junta Revolutionario de Liberation National, Second National Front of Escambray, Triple A, 30th of November Movement, the 20th of May Movement, INTERPEN, The Beachhead Brigade for Cuban Freedom, the Sandinistas, and the International Anti-Communist Brigade. HEMMING stated the foreign intelligence organizations he had contact with were Cuban G-2, DIFAR, DIER, Confidential Section of the National Police, Counter-Espionage Section. HEMMING added: "In 1958 I graduated from the U.S. Naval Academy Preparatory School, but I chose to leave the service and infiltrate in the Cuban revolution. For quite some time I have had intelligence work, or enlisting in the U.S. Special Forces, as my goal in the future. I consider my past activities since 1958 as slightly irregular, free-lance appearing, but a very valuable chance at obtaining first hand experience into my chosen career." HEMMING listed these references: "Hasia-Pacific, Inc. Art Simpson, (Pres.) 1329 S. Figueros Street, Los Angeles 15, California; Spiegel Inc. 1061 W. 35th Street Chicago, 6, Illinois; Klein's 227 West Washington Street, Chicago, 6, Illinois."

HEMMING told the FBI that in about the middle of January 1962, he left Miami and went to Los Angeles, California, where he contacted a number of American businessmen who were interested in the present Cuban situation. In February 1962 "According to D, on the basis of an anonymous tip, the Los Angeles County Sheriff's office recovered a 45-caliber U.S. pistol, serial number 1504981-SA from a car in the Los Angeles. Subsequent to its recovery by the Sheriff's office the Subject [HEMMING] claimed the pistol indicating he was a CIA Agent who was on a training mission in connection with an assignment aimed at Cuba. The Sheriff's office contacted the OO/C Los Angeles office who, in turn, requested the Sheriff's Office at attempt to keep the matter out of the newspapers and that they would attempt to trace the identity of the individual. The local CID office of the U.S. Army also became interested in the matter; however, they were also requested to suspend any active investigation of the matter. I also advised Joe Langam (deleted) WH Division who advised that the Subject is not of interest to Project JMATE nor has he ever been in the past. Stanton F. Ense. Jerry Mollani, SO/TF/W stated on February 5, 1962, that no record of instant pistol was available in records." [CIA 19774 2.2.62; CIA FOIA 00023] In February 1962 a notation was made on this routing slip which was withheld.

HEMMING told this researcher: "In February and March 1962 I was in the East Wing of the White House meeting with the Kennedy people. We never had any problems from them until 1963." The FBI: "On March 26, 1962, (Deleted) advised that five men from the 30th of November Movement went into the Everglades west of Miami on the previous weekend where they practiced shooting M-1 Carbines. An American adventurer named GERRY HEMMING accompanied this group. On April 3, 1962 (Deleted) advised he understood that the 30th of November Movement was planning to send from 25 to 30 men to a training camp over the coming weekend." [FBI 2-1693-55]

The FBI in Miami interviewed HEMMING at his home on April 9, 1962. He claimed his fund raising trip to Los Angeles in January 1962 had been a failure and that he no longer conducted paramilitary training. The FBI checked with its sources in the Cuban exile community and was told INTERPEN no longer existed, although HEMMING "continues to visit different Cuban revolutionary organizations, is tolerated by these organizations and continues to work for the establishment of some sort of a military training camp where he would train Cuban nationals for guerilla warfare in Cuba; however, HEMMING has no money for backing and no chance of establishing such a training camp." [FBI 2-312 (field) 2-1963 (Bureau)]On April 11, 1962, the CIA reported "As you know we have an extensive series of FBI reports on the activities of GERALD PATRICK HEMMING and his INTERPEN. If HEMSING is HEMMING this info should go in his file. Can we assume writer did send this to the FBI?" [CIA FOIA 00611 NARA 1993.07.01.16:11:11:620340] On that day the CIA generated a Routing and Record Sheet that went to Charles Mott and TFW/CI which was largely illegible. One line read: "Any interest in contract agent?" [NARA 1993.07.01.16:13:51:310340] The Los Angeles Field Office of the FBI reported "On April 25, 1962, (Deleted) contacted the Los Angeles Office by telephone and furnished information concerning contacts by the Subject in the past. After several unsuccessful attempts to recontact (Deleted)." [FBI 105-86406-7 pgs. 1-6 w/h] On April 30, 1962, the FBI created a report titled, "Larry LaBorde, HEMMING, Edward Collins, Antonio Cuesta. Internal Security, Cuba"

On April 8, 1963, Antonio Cuesta Del Valle advised that FBI that he is "the leader of the Commandos L and was previously a member of Alpha-66. The latter organization was under the leadership of Antonio Veciana Blanch. Cuesta stated the Veciana abandoned Alpha-66 and joined The Second National Front of Escambray organization in the fall of 1962. Veciana took with him the name Alpha-66 so the original Alpha-66 organization changed its name to Commandoes L, which is the same organization that conducted raids against Cuba in 1962. Cuesta advised that on March 17, 1963, and on March 18, 1963, Commandoes L departed Miami in two boats, a 50-foot cabin cruiser, Alisan, and a 23-foot speedboat. These boats rendezvoused near Cat Cay...An attack against a Russian ship was made under cover of darkness during the early morning hours of March 27, 1963, by the 23-foot speedboat, containing Cuesta, Ramon Font, Alfredo Mir, Angel Puxes, Mario Alvarez and Antonio Perez. The raiders attacked a large Russian freighter in Caibarien Harbor, Cuba, firing a 20-millimeter cannon and other weapons, and then the raiders set off a homemade bomb, which was suspended beneath the surface of the water and against the hull of the Russian vessel." [NARA SSCIA 157-10003-10486] On May 29, 1966, Antonio De La Cuesta was captured by the Cuban Navy after an aborted infiltration mission. Cuesta was seriously wounded. [Granma 6.5.66] Cuesta stated: "We were thrown into the water after a terrible explosion and were picked up by the same boats that attacked us. They rescued us when we were badly wounded. And that is how we were rescued rather than arrested." The Miami Chapter of the Cuban Revolutionary Council reported the Council had met HEMMING "and following the U.S. Government's policy of not accepting Americans into their organization, they maintained no contact with HEMMING." On April 30, 1962, the CIA sent a communication to the FBI about HEMMING: "On April 24, 1962, an informant who has furnished reliable information in the past, reported the following data: (Deleted) told him that (deleted) was running machinery to Cuba. (Deleted) [Sam Benton] reportedly is working with GERALD PATRICK HEMMING in this matter. (Deleted) reported Subjects recruiting Cubans and Americans in Miami area to set up force to use in Dominican Republic by Imbert Government. GERRY HEMING mentioned in (deleted) letter is perhaps identical with GERALD P. HEMMING (deleted). This dispatch reflects that HAMING was reportedly in contact with (deleted). On April 4, 1960, (deleted) furnished information indicating that GERALD P. HAMING, a 23 year old United States citizen who had been born in Los Angeles, California, was then employed by the Cuban Air Force at San Julian as a parachutist and was then engaged in training Nicaraguans." [CIA FOIA 18590] HEMMING told this researcher: "Tony Imbert was part of the team that assassinated Trujillo." Cuesto was eventually blinded in Commando raid against Cuba. [Miami Herald 9.5.81]

In 1939 Sam "Benton" Finkelman (born July 4, 1920) stowed away on a Polish ocean liner going to Panama. The Panamanians deported him to Havana. After a five year wait because of a derogatory immigration report, Sam Benton was allowed to enter the United States on condition he join the Army Intelligence Corps. After the war, Sam Benton returned to Cuba and by 1958, became friendly with Juan Orta. In 1960 Sam Benton was arrested by the G-2. Released, he returned to America and joined the anti-Castro Cuban exiles. Sam Benton and Aurelio Sanchez Arrango started Cuban Relief Incorporated in 1962. By late 1962, the FBI investigated Sam Benton's connection to INTERPEN/International Anti-Communist Brigade; in January 1963 he became the Subject of an investigation into illegal gambling by the FBI, due to his association with Mike McLaney. Miami Police investigated Cuban Relief Incorporated in March 1963 because the only exiles who received its benefits were members of Aurelio Sanchez Arrango's Triple-A. Cuban Relief had collected $24,000 by mid-1963, on behalf of all Cuban refugees.

An April 11, 1962, Routing and Record Sheet, from 1905 Quarters Eye read, "To 1: Any interest in OO contact? (deleted). This is not in my area of (?). If you have any..." An April 28, 1962, Routing and Record Sheet indicated that documents about HEMMING were sent to 1.B. Bond 2. (Illegible) 3. (Illegible) 4. (Illegible) 5. Barton Hull 6. Project W/ Quarters Eye POD Placement: "Applicant File Section Please refer this file to the Cuba desk. '5-6 Looks like a candidate for your activities (deleted) 6 to 8 & 9 No requirements at time Armstrong." [NARA 1993:07.01.16:16:36:750340]

In May 1962 the FBI determined that INTERPEN had ceased to exist and that HEMMING was "considered untrustworthy and completely unreliable by American mercenaries and Cuban revolutionists in Miami." [FBI 2-1693-56 5.16.62 pages 2-3 w/h]

The New Orleans States-Item ran this story on May 21, 1962:

NEW ORLEANS AND THE AMERICAS

GUERRILLAS AIDED BY LOCAL CUBANS

By WILLIAM STUCKEY

Ilona Marita Lorenz, a member of the International Anti-Communist Brigade, reported that STURGIS was often the recipient of cash payments from HUNT: "When cash was needed, it came from a CIA man she knew only as 'EDUARDO.' He would meet FRANK and Alex from time to time in a safe house in Miami. 'EDUARDO' was funding our thing. When we went to pick up the money I stayed in the car. I saw him when he opened the door of this little white house we used." Years later Marita saw a newspaper photo of HUNT and immediately recognized him as the elusive 'EDUARDO.' [Meskil N.Y. Daily News 4.20.75] Jerrold Brown of the Security Analysis Group noted: "In the first article Marie Lorenz alleges that E. HOWARD HUNT, known to her as 'EDUARDO' was the paymaster for STURGIS and Rorke. HUNT has publicly claimed not knowing STURGIS until at least the late 1960's." Double click here to see a photo of Marita and STURGIS. [Sturgismarita.JPEG]

During his testimony to the Rockefeller Commission STURGIS hinted that he had received money from HUNT. Marita Lorenz told the truth about the HUNT, STURGIS relationship in the early 1960's. Unfortunately, Marita Lorenz was a congenital liar and her fantasies about having met "OZZIE" discredited what she witnessed as an associate of STURGIS.

During HUNT v. ajweberman Marita Lorenz told this researcher her life story: "I was born August 18, 1939, in Bremen, West Germany. My mother, who was born in Delaware on October 15, 1905, was an American citizen named Alice June Lofland, who moved to Germany in July 1931 and met my father, Heinrich Frederich Lorenz [born April 8, 1898; July 15, 1966]. They were married several months later and divorced in February 1946. My father was a commodore of ocean liners. During the war, he was to participate with the liner, The First Bremen, in an invasion of England, which was called off at the last moment by Hitler. My father was a hero in Germany, a Fleet Commander, yet I have found papers among his effects that indicated he was working for the Allies, Admiral Canaris.

"I lived in Badmunstein during the war, 20 minutes away from Frankfurt. After the war, my father worked for the Occupation Forces and my mother was a stringer for The Chicago Tribune and worked for military intelligence. I first came to this country in May 1950 when my mother got a job with the CIA and moved to Washington. Her cover was with the Defense Department. In 1958 we moved to New York City, where my father brought in passenger liners from Germany."

The father of Marita Lorenz, Heinrich Lorenz, was an Abwehr spy. He did not work for the Allies. On June 3, 1938, Heinrich Lorenz was arrested for conspiring to steal blueprints of the latest model United States Navy destroyer. His codefendant was a German born naturalized American citizen. On November 4, 1938, a public trial was held in New York City. A CIA document noted: "The [Marita Lorenz] file contains information that an individual of the same name was connected with German intelligence during WWII." Heinrich Lorenz was released from a British POW camp in October 1945. He had been "captured during World War II when his ship sank while acting as German Navy officer." Upon release, he was employed at the U.S. Army Exchange, Bremerhaven, Germany. Heinrich Lorenz was classified as an unskilled laborer. [NYT 6.4.38, 7.15.66, 1.18.59, 11.8.38, 6.5.38]

Marita Lorenz filed a CIA Freedom of Information Act request for herself and her mother. In the cover letter, the CIA stated it had found "a number of documents" on Marita Lorenz. The CIA's response said its files, and those of the OSS, contained numerous references to Alice June Lorenz. Marita Lorenz's CIA file contained a reference to her mother's employment by the OSS: "Previous employment - too numerous to mention, covers to 1945 in Germany, mostly U.S. Government related."Alice June Lorenz had been a spy. The document also stated that from October 1953 to at least April 1955, Alice June Lorenz worked at the Office of the Chief Engineers, Gravelly Point, Washington, D.C.

The CIA reported: "Office of Security traces in the name of Heinrich Lorenz revealed that he was the father of Valerie Claire Lorenz (SF #117 245). Information in the file, coupled with information in the attached articles, positively identifies the younger sister of Valerie Claire Lorenz, one Ilona Marita Lorenz, as being identical with the Marie Lorenz mentioned in these articles. Valerie Claire Lorenz, born on October 9, 1936 at Bremerhaven, Germany, was the Subject of a Covert Security Clearance request in March 1955 by the Monetary Branch / Finance Division. Valerie Claire Lorenz graduated from Roosevelt High School, Washington, D.C. in June 1954. As of March 1955 she was employed as a secretary to F.P Harman, Jr. (SF# 67 493), vice-president of the National Bank of Washington and as such, would have access to sensitive financial transactions being administered by the Monetary Branch through Harman. The covert security clearance was granted in July 1955 and canceled because of her resignation on August 21, 1959. There is no subsequent activity in the file."

Marita Lorenz' brother, Joachim D. Lorenz attended Catholic University in Washington, D.C. and planned to attend Georgetown University and enter the diplomatic corps. Her other brother, Manfred Lorenz, studied music in New York City. Marita Lorenz's maternal aunt, Lucy L. McConchie, was employed at the Pentagon. Her husband, Thomas McConchie, was a Major in the U.S. Army.

Marita Lorenz stated: "I first met Fidel Castro during a cruise on one of my father's liners, it was February 28, 1959. I will never forget that date because I fell in love with Fidel at once. I was on board, in my father's stateroom, and Havana was the last stop on the cruise. We were in the harbor when Fidel and about 40 barbudos got on board. He told my father he had stood on the balcony of the Havana Hilton and he saw a liner in the bay. He had never been aboard a passenger liner, so he took a launch and he came aboard to visit. Fidel had dinner with us and he asked for my phone number in New York. I gave it to him and three days later, when I came home from school, I got a call from Fidel Castro, Prime Minister of Cuba! He wanted me to come to Cuba. He sent a Cubana Airliner to pick me up and I lived with him in the Havana Hilton for eight months. He treated me well. It was very interesting. He made me a member of the 26th of July Movement."

Marita Lorenz claimed Fidel Castro sent an airliner to New York City to fly her back to Havana. On January 23, 1960, she told the FBI that, after she met Fidel on February 28, 1959, "she remained with Castro after her father departed from Havana and for the most part, has remained in Havana since February 28, 1959, with the exception of a few short visits to her mother."

"I realized I had become pregnant in April 1959 when I accompanied Fidel during his visit to the United States. When I returned to Cuba I met FRANK STURGIS. Fidel and I, and his aides, went to the Havana Riviera Hotel to close it down. FRANK was in a 26th of July Movement uniform, as was I. Fidel had ordered the waiters to turn over the tables and throw down the slot machines because he opposed gambling. FRANK edged over to me and said, 'I know about you. I have to talk with you. Tell your man Fidel he is making a mistake ripping up this joint. Try to tell Fidel that his country needs tourism.' But Fidel didn't like vice, and he wanted gambling out of Cuba. FRANK went on, 'I work for the Government, the United States Embassy here in Havana. I will get back to you. You must help your country.' It was difficult to arrange a meeting with STURGIS because Fidel had me under 24-hour guard. I went to the restaurant of the Havana Hilton and FRANK slid into an empty seat next to me and said, 'You are going to work for me. I work for the CIA.' He wrote on the place mat, 'Take papers from Fidel's files.' I moved a seat away and my guards started to talk to him and said, 'Compañero, if Fidel saw you, he would be very jealous.' Even though I was pregnant with his child I began to steal papers from Fidel for FRANK and I told FRANK all I knew of Fidel's travel plans."

Twenty-year-old Marita Lorenz occupied a suite in the Havana Hilton where she became Fidel Castro's mistress. Castro had a weakness for women. He might have gotten her pregnant. Marita Lorenz knew STURGIS. She might have spied on Fidel for him, however, no evidence has surfaced that she removed the files of Fidel Castro and turned them over to STURGIS, who, in turn, allegedly gave them to the CIA.

"FRANK was secretly in charge of an anti-Castro military camp, Camp Columbia, along with Pedro Diaz Lanz. FRANK gave me a miniature camera to photograph documents with. Then the attempts on Fidel's life started. When I ate with Fidel, we had room service, Fidel would call in two guards, one would test the food before Fidel would eat it. Fidel once had me put under protective custody because he heard of an attempt on his life, a shooting, an ambush...Several months later, on September 19, 1959, I was forcibly aborted and left to die in the Havana Hilton Hotel. I don't remember much of that, except the pain, which you never forget. I was flown to New York City and treated there."

On September 19, 1959, Marita Lorenz had an abortion in Cuba: "Miss Lorenz stated that she is not too clear on the details of this matter, but she is positive she had done nothing to cause the miscarriage, but she has been told rumors that she had been drugged, taken to a hospital and an abortion was performed. Miss Lorenz could not positively say whether this was true or untrue, for this reason, plus the fact that she had adopted a child in Havana after her miscarriage." Whether she had a miscarriage or an abortion was unclear to Marita Lorenz. In retrospect, if Marita had given birth to Fidel's child, it would have proven to be a great embarrassment for Fidel. Her miscarriage was probably induced. There was no evidence that Marita adopted a child after her miscarriage except for her self-serving statement.

In 1992 Marita Lorenz claimed that she had not had an abortion on miscarriage but had given birth to Fidel Castro's son, Andre Castro. Marita Lorenz forged an FBI document to support her story: "During October 1959, Lorenz bore Fidel a child who was named Andre. Lorenz was provided with a drug to induce labor and woke up in the delivery room to discover her child had 'died.' Camilio Ceinfuegos told Lorenz that Fidel Castro was occupied with business in another province and could not see her...During December 1959, Castro sent Jesus Llanes to New York to speak with Lorenz. Lorenz was asked to sign a document stating that Fidel had not murdered their child, and that she, Marita Lorenz, would cease exploiting their relationship for propaganda purposes. Lorenz was offered money which she refused. Llanes showed Lorenz a photograph of her child, Andre. The baby was in good health. Llanes explained Andre had been kept from his mother for security reasons. Llanes explained that the baby should remain in Cuba and Andre's very existence a secret. All of the above was necessary for the baby's safety."

The NY FBI Office stated: "The document in question contains no identifying or file marks so that it is impossible to ascertain the validity of the report as an FBI document. This response should not be considered an indication whether or not records responsive to your request exist in FBI files." [ltr. James J. Roth to AJW 1.8.93] Marita Lorenz returned to the United States in October 1959.

Marita Lorenz told the FBI: "Her health improved and she made a trip to Havana in December 1959, but returned to New York a few days thereafter." [FBI 105-83564-6] Marita Lorenz stated: "FRANK introduced me to Alex Rorke, a wealthy adventurer who worked for the CIA and FBI. Two months later, Alex took me to FBI headquarters in New York City. Alex said, 'You could knock off Castro. It would save everybody a lot of trouble. Why don't you kill him? It would be easy to put poison in his food. It would change history.' I agreed, and flew to Miami with Rorke, where FRANK gave me two capsules full of poison powder which I was to sprinkle in Castro's coffee. I flew to Havana, put on my 26th of July Movement uniform and went to see Fidel."

"He asked me why I had left him. He ordered food and coffee sent up. When it came, he fell asleep on the bed. I couldn't poison him. I told FRANK that the capsules had melted in the cold cream where I had hidden them. I made love with Fidel instead of killing him."

Marita Lorenz told Paul Meskil the she flew to Havana: "The lobby was full of reporters and other people waiting to see Castro, but he wasn't there. One of his aides recognized me and took me up to Fidel's suite. She waited nervously in Castro's private room until he came in a few hours later. As soon as he smiled and hugged her she knew he didn't suspect she had visited the suite a few months previously and stolen his secrets. And he certainly didn't suspect that she had come back to kill him...Finally he ordered food and coffee sent up. When it came, he fell asleep on the bed, in his fatigues with a cigar in his mouth. I had no confidence left, but I knew this was the chance to do it. I went into the bathroom and opened the jar or cold cream. I stuck my finger in it and the whole thing came out like yuck. I couldn't find the capsules, they had melted. It was like an omen. I couldn't just dump a glob of cold cream in his coffee, so I shut the jar and went back to the bedroom and I watched him sleeping. Finally I lay down on the bed beside him, I thought, 'To hell with it, let history take its course.' FRANK and Alex met me when I flew to Miami the next morning. They asked me what happened and I said the capsules melted. FRANK was very upset, he said 'Stupid, stupid why did you put them in the cold cream."

During the course of HUNT V. ajweberman, Marita Lorenz was deposed.

Q. Did there come a time when you went back to Cuba at the request of the company, or the CIA?

A. Yes.

Q. What was your mission that time?

A. To kill Fidel.

Q. Who sent you?

A. FRANK. I was given two capsules, and I was talked to for a couple of weeks in a safe house. The capsules I was told were botulism toxin, something like that. I agreed because of loyalty I guess, and I was the only one that could do it. In other words, they butter you up pretty good, that you are the only one. But when I was on the plane going in and I saw the outline of the shores, I knew I couldn't do it and I got frightened, and I put them in the cold cream. Fidel had G-2 men at the airport. And my suitcase sat outside while everybody was being screened to go in. And I stuck them before in the bathroom in a jar of Pond's cold cream, and the suitcase being out in the sun I guess melted them, dissolved them. I mean I couldn't pick them out anymore. I opened the suitcase again when I got to the Hilton and Fidel was there, and I flushed them down the bidet.

Q. Did you do anything else on that mission?

A. I worried.

URGENT December 22, 1959

TO: Director

FROM: SAC NEW YORK

FOREIGN POLITICAL MATTERS, CUBA.

RENYLET December 9, 1959, and Butel December 15, 1959. RENYLET set forth information regarding interview of Marita Lorenz, 344 W. 87th Street, NYC, and her relations with Fidel Castro, Captain Jesus Yanez Pelletier, military aide to Castro, and other Cuban officials. (Deleted) Bureau will be advised of any further developments, Miami advised by mail. [FBI 105-83564-1]

Jerrold Brown commented: "Relative to Lorenz's claim in the attached article that she and Alex Rorke (in conjunction with the assassination attempt against Castro) visited FBI offices in New York and had a "conference with the two agents who had questioned her previously and a CIA official" it is interesting to note that Lorenz was interviewed by S.A. O'Brien on December 22, 1959. The file of Alexander I. Rorke, Jr. reflects that he was interviewed on December 30, 1959 by SA Francis J. O'Brien, FBI, New York."

To: SAC New York January 4, 1960

From: Director, FBI (109-12-210)

FOREIGN POLITICAL MATTERS - CUBA

IS - CUBA

(Deleted)

1 - Deleted

1 - 105-new (Marita Lorenz)

FEJ:bom

Note: Lorenz, who currently resides in New York City advised N.Y. Office during recent interview that she is personal acquaintance of Castro and other Cuban leaders. At the time, she furnished general information concerning the Cuban situation and Cuban Government personalities. New York disclosed plans for further interview. (Deleted).

Much of this document was withheld. [FBI 105-83564- NR 1.4.60]

On January 19, 1960, Lorenz entered Roosevelt Hospital in Manhattan for an internal operation to correct the damage to her uterus. She was released on January 22, 1960.

SAC, New York January 22, 1960.

Director, FBI

(Deleted)

Foreign Miscellaneous - CUBA

Reurlet January 8, 1960, captioned 'Foreign Political Matters - Cuba.'

For your information, the data contained in referenced communication may be of interest to other government agencies. You should therefore furnish Bureau all information obtained from the Subject and from Marita Lorenz concerning Fidel Castro under his caption in form suitable for dissemination. Information obtained concerning the activities of (?) should also be submitted under his caption in form suitable for dissemination. (Deleted) In view of the unsettled conditions in Cuba, you should give the matter expeditious attention.

64-NEW

1- 105-83564 (Marita Lorenz)

NOTE: (Deleted) Marita Lorenz, former girlfriend of Fidel Castro, is now living in New York City.

On January 23, 1960, the FBI interviewed Marita Lorenz in the presence of her mother. The information she supplied was autobiographical and not of a significant nature.

Documents indicated that Marita Lorenz and ex-FBI clerk Alexander Rorke first met with FBI S.A. Francis J. O'Brien as early as November 20, 1959, or December 9, 1959, before Lorenz went to Cuba. These early interviews of Rorke and Lorenz have yet to be released. Had the FBI given Marita Lorenz the impression that her actions were sanctioned by the U.S. Government? After reviewing Marita Lorenz's file, the FBI concluded: "No indication whatsoever in any of the numerous references reviewed indicated that Lorenz had ever been asked, in any manner whatsoever, to perform a task on behalf of the FBI, either in the United States or in Cuba. It is the opinion of the NY FBI Office that Lorenz had in fact accompanied FIORINI and Rorke, who were well known to her, to Miami believing their actions were sanctioned by the U.S. Government and in fact, at their behest, embarked on a plot to assassinate Castro." Information on Rorke and FIORINI which appeared after this statement was deleted. [FBI 62-109060-7572X NR 4.7.77] An FBI report revealed that "In 1960, Rorke, while gathering data concerning an illicit affair, impersonated a Bureau agent and was strongly admonished."

The CIA 1977 CIA Task Force Report stated: "In reference to the Lorenz-STURGIS poison pill plot, the Task Force Report noted the similarity of this plot to the details in an October 18, 1960, FBI memorandum, describing a plot to kill Castro." In the October 18, 1960, memorandum Giancana spoke of a girl who was going to drop a pill in some food or drink of Castro. The HSCA concluded: "The identity of this 'girl' referred to by Giancana has not been conclusively ascertained although it was public knowledge that Marita Lorenz was given poison capsules and that she did return to Cuba." [HSCA V5 pp. 157, 177] The CIA concluded this October 1960 date was "too early for the CIA/syndicate operations and therefore the syndicate may have been acting independently." [Jerry G. Brown DC/CIA SAG] The CIA stated: "If, in fact, Giancana's statements do refer to the LORENZ/STURGIS matter, it can be logically concluded that STURGIS was acting at the behest of Giancana [and not the CIA]."

Who was behind the poison pill plot? The attempt was sponsored by STURGIS and he bragged about it to his friends in the mob. Why did the plot fail? Marita Lorenz lied to everyone, even her "case officer" FRANK. She had no intention of killing Fidel Castro and probably removed the poison capsules from her cold cream before she entered Cuba, rather than risk detection and imprisonment. FRANK had a weakness for prostitutes. He believed Marita Lorenz was sincere, however, she doubled-crossed him as she did everyone else. In her HUNT v. SPOTLIGHT testimony Marita Lorenz said that HUNT was part of the poison pill scheme.

On January 23, 1960, the day after her release from Roosevelt Hospital, Marita Lorenz called the FBI. She said that Jesus Yanes Pelletier had taken her to a hospital in Havana where the abortion was performed and that she had received a call from him that morning during which he said that "he was hiding in Havana and was going to defect from the Castro Government." She told the FBI that, since her return to New York City, she had received several telephone calls from Jesus Yanes Pelletier and Castro, who requested that she return to Havana. Marita Lorenz went to the New York FBI office and furnished information on the activities of the 26th of July Movement in New York City. (Marita Lorenz had been a member since August 1959.) She described the movements of Jesus Yanes Pelletier when he visited New York City in December 1959 to the FBI. She told the FBI that Jesus Yanes Pelletier had offered her $1,000 for her medical expenses, since he was the one who was responsible for her pregnancy. [FBI 105-83564-3] On February 17, 1960 J. Edgar Hoover expressed an interest in Castro's former mistress. [FBI 105-83564-2]

Jerrold Brown reported: "Variations of all the names of Ilona Marita Lorenz and her family have been checked against the Office of Security indices with no additional results with the exception to a reference to the file captioned 'Cuban Intelligence Activities' (SF #350 643). An FBI New York Office file dated February 10, 1960 captioned 'Cuban Intelligence Activities in the United States' reflects, in substance, that Lorenz on December 22, 1959 advised S.A. O'Brien, FBI, that Jesus Yanes Pelletier, Cuban Revolutionary Army and Military Aide to the Cuban Prime Minister (Castro), had arrived in New York City on December 18, 1959. Lorenz reported that she went out with him on the night of December 19, 1959, to the La Baracca Restaurant. She believed Pelletier was in New York collecting intelligence information for the Castro Government." [Memo for Chief, SAG 6.1876] STURGIS stated that Pelletier helped SANTOS TRAFFICANTE Jr. obtain his release from prison in Cuba: "He was a Captain. Marita knows this party. He was a mulatto and I'm trying to remember his name. Captain Yanes Pelletier, I think it was, and he above all was very close to Fidel and I think, from information I got, that Yanes Pelletier was very involved an instrumental in getting SANTOS released. In February 1960 the FBI sent information on Marita Lorenz to the CIA. That month Marita Lorenz told the FBI that she had been threatened by a Castro agent: "Subsequent to this, efforts were made by Cuban diplomatic personnel in the United States to force her to return to Cuba via Mexico. She was physically mistreated by one such representative in February 1960, which she said was prominently reported in the press of the United States." [FBI 105-83564-6] The threats allegedly came from Pedro Perez Font, a Castro henchman, who made the statement that Lorenz's family would be taken care of after Lorenz refused to sign a statement that an associate of Castro's, and not Castro, was responsible for her pregnancy. Font left for Cuba after making these statements. Immediately thereafter Marita Lorenz departed New York and journeyed to Bremerhaven to reside with her father.

In March 1960 Marita Lorenz gave the FBI information of the July 26th Club of New York City along with information on June Cobb. On April 1960 Alice June Lorenz sent an angry letter to Castro: "Sir: With reference to the seduction of my daughter, Marita, a minor and United States citizen, whom you lured to Havana under false pretenses, early in 1959, without her parents knowledge or consent, and ravished in the Hilton Hotel, Havana, Cuba. Said act committed by you was later compounded by a forced and careless criminal abortion upon my daughter, performed by a Dr. Ferrer, in his office at 27 Vedada, Havana, Cuba, on September 18, 1959 when my daughter was over five month pregnant with your child; said abortion being accomplished under the direct supervision of your aide, Captain Jesus Yanez Pelletier, who transported by daughter in a drugged condition, in a Cuban Government car to the abortionist's office, where this illegal operation was performed without my daughter's knowledge or consent."

Copies were sent to various media outlets and political and religious leaders. The letter received no publicity except for a May 1960 article in Confidential Magazine entitled "Castro Raped My Teenage Daughter."

"When I returned to the United States, I joined the International Anti-Communist Brigade and OPERATION 40. I was an associate member of the Cuban Revolutionary Council. I was assigned to OPERATION 40 by FRANK, my troop commander. In 1960 I took a blood oath to join FRANK'S secret assassination group. I was trained in the Everglades. I was the only female member. Diaz Lanz was a member of OPERATION 40 as was Orlando Bosch, GERRY HEMMING and Alex Rorke. There was a man named "EDUARDO." He wasn't always with us, but he would visit us in our safehouse. "EDUARDO" was the man we depended on for money to keep going, for supplies. "EDUARDO" we went to once a month, and he handed FRANK an envelope. I first met "EDUARDO" at a safehouse in Miami on Brickell Avenue. He was alone, wearing a white suit. I was told, 'He's the Company's man.' After Watergate, I realized "EDUARDO" was really E. HOWARD HUNT. I saw HUNT and STURGIS together back then at least 30 times. I saw HUNT with GERRY HEMMING and with Diaz Lanz. Lanz was in the car with us when he picked up money and they knew each other. I saw HUNT with Orlando Bosch in Orlando's house."

The CIA reported that an FBI document dated April 24, 1961, stated that on "January 8, 1961, Lorenz, STURGIS, Alex Rorke (deleted) were to meet that evening and attempt a unity meeting of anti-Castro Cubans. The unity meeting was sponsored by Luis Conte Aguero, one of the leading anti-Castro Cubans. I have uncovered nothing (deleted) to date concerning an assassination attempt." [Chris Hopkins 6.14.76]

On January 10, 1961, the FBI interviewed Marita Lorenz. The FBI told her to stop saying that she was under its protective custody because of alleged threats from Fidel Castro. Marita Lorenz told the FBI that "she met Alex Rorke, free lance photographer, in Miami several days ago, and through him met FRANK FIORINI, whom she had previously met in a hotel in Havana when FIORINI was wearing the uniform of a Captain in the Cuban Revolutionary Army. Rorke had left for Guatemala on January 9, 1961, to write a story about the invasion force that would invade Cuba. During the time Rorke was in Miami, he stayed at the residence of FRANK FIORINI. Lorenz said that FIORINI is friendly and working with Orlando Bosch and Victor Panque of MIRR. Lorenz stated that FIORINI is in contact with Chris Mendoza, wealthy Cuban exile, and invited Lorenz to go on an expedition with him to Cuba because of her propaganda value. Lorenz stated she declined FIORINI'S office, wants to obtain employment in Miami, but may return to her mother's residence in New York City (Deleted).If Lorenz becomes actively engaged in Cuban revolutionary activities in Miami the Bureau will be kept advised." [FBI 105-83564 NR 168 2.1.61]

Marita Lorenz was never a member of the International Anti-Communist Brigade. No females were allowed in the group. Her story about being part of OPERATION 40 was also a lie. She was informing on STURGIS.

"After the Bay of Pigs invasion, April 1961, I noticed a change in FRANK. Instead of talking about getting rid of Fidel he began to talk about getting rid of John Kennedy. He said 'Kennedy has to be hit, there's no two ways about it.' In the Summer of 1962, on one of our many trips up and down the coast, running guns, we hit a camp near a lake, in New Orleans. Alex Rorke was there. So was GERRY HEMMING. So was OSWALD." HEMMING told this researcher: "That would have been the strangest goddamn thing in the world. That's crazy shit. Rorke did not surface till the end of 1962."

Marita Lorenz lived in Miami in 1961. In June 1961 she was introduced to the deposed President of Venezuela, Macros Jimenez Perez. CARLOS MARCELLO visited Venezuela frequently while Marcos Jimenez Perez was in power. Marcos Jimenez Perez had ties to an associate of Meyer Lansky. The man who introduced Marita Lorenz to Marcos Jimenez Perez, Ruben Pratts, subsequently demanded a commission on the money that Marcos Jimenez Perez had given Marita Lorenz in return for her sexual favors. Marita Lorenz went to the FBI and told the Bureau to investigate the man for having violated the White Slave Act. She said that after Pratts introduced him to Perez, she advised him that "she was out of work and in poor financial condition. Perez offered to help her get a job. He also gave Lorenz his telephone number and asked her to call him. Lorenz thereupon left the apartment without any additional pertinent activities being conducted. Lorenz called Perez ten days later, visited him, and became sexually intimate."

On March 9, 1962 Marita Lorenz gave birth to Monica Mercedes Perez. In the Summer of 1962 Marita Lorenz was in Miami, taking care of her newborn infant, and was not traveling around with STURGIS. In August 1963 Perez was extradited to Venezuela. He had been accused of embezzling $13.5 million. Marita Lorenz served him with a paternity suit before his extradition. [Time 8.23.63]

"Later that year, in October 1962, a man named OZZIE came to visit our training camp in the Everglades. Alex Rorke took a photograph of me, OZZIE, GERRY PATRICK HEMMING, FRANK STURGIS and Diaz Lanz. After the Kennedy assassination I realized OZZIE was OSWALD. I was with OSWALD three or four times before November 22, 1963. I questioned FRANK about OSWALD'S connection. He said, 'Don't worry, he's okay, we are going to use him.' FRANK told me, 'He's one of us. He's a sharp guy.' I took this to mean that OSWALD also worked for the Company. He was part of OPERATION 40, the assassination section. I thought he was going to be used in a plan to kill Castro."

Marita Lorenz did not meet OSWALD. The Dealey Plaza crew were professionals. HEMMING told this researcher: "Why expose a fucking whore to something like this? It's total bullshit." Marita Lorenz's "photograph story" was another lie. She claimed that she turned the picture over to FBI S.A. Al Chestone.

Al Chestone, contacted in May 1978, stated: "I am going to come on strong because I'm tired of this, you have been in touch with her? Have you spoken to Paul Meskill about what he thinks about her now? Paul has come to realize she knows not of what she speaks. I was in touch with her husband in connection with my own work for the Justice Department and she is a lovely lady, she wants to be a police woman more than anything else, she would do anything for her country. There are a lot of things she says that she sensationalizes, takes things out of context. She is imagining that she gave me a picture. I never got a picture from that lady. I don't know what she is talking about. Never, never did she give me a picture. In all the years I dealt with her and her husband she never discussed the assassination or this OSWALD trip. The photograph that she's talking about never once did she bring this up until after I - last year -what the hell is she talking about? There were times when she said she was part and parcel of the other agency, the CIA...I said I don't want to know anything more about it...I can honestly say I don't know what she is talking about...she did not give me a picture...If she had given me a picture of OSWALD do you think I would have sat on it? It would have been my responsibility to follow it up. I would have taken action on it. I would have written a report on the darned thing. But this is concocted...She once told me 'Uncle Al, come to think of it I didn't give you the picture. That's true too.' I said, Hey, com'on Marita, you're damn right you didn't give you the picture."

Why didn't Marita Lorenz copy the photograph before she gave it to the FBI? During Lorenz's testimony to the HSCA she said that the photograph was taken in 1960. She later amended this response and said it was taken between August 18, 1963 and September 20, 1963.

INTERPEN attracted many former members of the Cuban rebel armed forces. Several of these men had done time in Castro's prisons. INTERPEN was a para-legal organization: U.S. citizens were forbidden by law to be combatants in foreign military operations. INTERPEN was partially financed by dispossessed casino owners who had operated under Batista. Other funding came indirectly from the CIA. Former INTERPEN member Howard K. Davis was asked about this. He responded, "Well, we got it from Cubans. Cuban donations. Of course they could have gotten it from the CIA. In fact we knew that some Cubans did get their money from the CIA and they would then..."

Howard K. Davis, (CIA 201-0189473) born August 11, 1930, had been a high-ranking member of the Rebel Air Force of Fidel Castro. He related, "I flew mostly into where Raoul Castro was, and saw Raoul, and spoke to him a good bit. I have been described as Castro's 'personal pilot.' I was not." When he began to oppose Castro, the Border Patrol placed the name of Howard K. Davis on a list of persons banned from renting aircraft. The CIA described him as an acquaintance of many Miami-based anti-Castro Cubans and reported: "Station files show...during the middle and late 1950's Davis was at least an acquaintance, if not a colleague, of William Morgan, assassinated by Castro in Cuba. It is known that Davis has known Robert K. Brown for some time. Subject appeared on Allen Courtney's Miami radio show on November 27, 1962, with Edward LeRoy Collins and GERRY HEMMING and Charles Ashmann." In 1957 the 26th of July Movement placed a bomb in Allen Courtney's driveway. CIA Office of Security traces on Howard K. Davis: "Davis was an associate of GERALD PATRICK HEMMING involved in anti-Castro and anti-Duvalier groups and lived in Miami. Subject could not be identified with any one of the same name in Office of Security indices. (Deleted) The only information we have on Subject is that contained in attachment 14 of your Memo dated August 7, 1967 on GERALD PATRICK HEMMING." [CIA 40490 3.21.68] In May 1963 the CIA's JMWAVE base was "queried regarding possible use of Subject. Said it had no interest." [Allen v. DOD CIA 40490] The CIA's Locator Data indicated that Howard K. Davis' file was "Permanently charged to C/CI/R&A 2B1405, 1345, 04.08.67." CI/CA issued an Information Correct Card regarding Howard K. Davis.

LAWRENCE JOHN HOWARD (born January 17, 1933) came from a group headed by Guy Gabalon called the Drive Against Communist Aggression. Double click here to see a photo of HOWARD. [Howard.JPEG] In 1961 Gabalon ran an anti-Castro office in Los Angeles. When he ran for Congress in 1964 Loran Hall was his campaign manager. When the CIA released HOWARD'S 201 File, rather than release the 201 File of JOHN LAWRENCE HOWARD, it released the 201 File of Lawrence Henry Howard (born November 3, 1913 in Bridgeport, Connecticut), who's 201 File was opened July 24, 1964, and indicated he was a Merchant Marine who held a Master's rating and was employed by the Bloomfield Steamship Company in Houston, Texas. Much of the information in this file was withheld. [CIA 201-756,375] When the CIA determined if Lawrence Henry Howard's 201 file should be closed, because he was an American citizen, it kept the file opened and cited "all others. (Deleted)." When the CIA did an INDEX SEARCH AND 201 CONSOLIDATION REPORT on HOWARD on July 24, 1975, it located one applicable reference dated November 10, 1959. The nature of this reference has been withheld. HOWARD claimed to know Pedro Diaz Lanz, Enrique Molina "thinks he flew Rorke to Mexico and suspects he was working for Castro," ROY HARGRAVES, "INTERPEN associate - in contact still in 1968," FRAC, "group HOWARD was working with in Miami - went on three raids," and Tony Varona, who "thought HOWARD was double-crossing him because he was involved in training about 50 men from New York area who were interested in deposing Papa Doc Duvalier in Haiti. Oscar Pino, working with Masferrer, more or less 'infiltrated' these men into HOWARD'S training camp on the Key while HOWARD was in Miami." [Garrison interview with HOWARD 2.25.69; NARA HSCA 180-10085-10185]

William Houston Seymour was born December 1, 1937 or January 12, 1937 at Fort Benton, Montana. On January 10, 1968 the FBI ran a file check on William Houston Seymour. Serials 89-69-1797, 1809 page 2, 1839 page 2. On September 2, 1977, the CIA ran an INDEX SEARCH AND 201 CONSOLIDATION REQUEST on William Houston Seymour much of which was withheld from research. William Houston Seymour's address was listed as 1008 Simmons, Tucson, Arizona. A document that was attached to this request read: "Seymour, W.H. Wash-CIA-Int-28 Folder #1 p.14 60-749/16 Requested from DDP Records Center 'Will Follow' RI/Archives References 362070." The first traces on William Houston Seymour in the CIA'S highly illegible MAIN INDEX SEARCH RESPONSE: "***Locator Data Order From IP/CFS January 1, 1959 01774066." The second trace read: "Seymour 201-0011838 (Deleted) 07732A01 June 55 Enclosure 1. ***Locator Data: Order from IP/CFS (Deleted) 07732 March 17, 1975, 06667012." The CIA discovered traces on a (FNU) Seymour in Trieste in 1949, which was unidentifiable with the Subject. The fourth trace "Seymour 201-007,038 (Deleted) 60682A01 November 30, 1971. Locator Data: Order from IP/CFS 6C-52 (Deleted) December 14, 1971 02949487 Aperture Card Available See Aperture Card Attached. END OF REPLY - 4 records listed."

During the FBI's investigation of the Minutemen in 1963, the names Loran Hall and William Houston Seymour surfaced. The reason for this was classified. The FBI: "Loran Hall and William Houston Seymour's present whereabouts are unknown, but it would appear, from information concerning them, they are adventurers and mercenaries, and it is not believed they warrant attention at this time with respect to the Subject organization, or until or unless some more specific information identifying them with Subject organization is received." [FBI 157-218-70-2.14.64]

A HSCA document revealed:

***Material has not been seen by the Committee

Material Furnished by: (Deleted)

Subject: (Deleted) William Seymour (Tab G), FRANK ANTHONY STURGIS (Tab H, 1 and 2), Operation (Deleted).

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

***Material has been reviewed by: Betsy Palmer, Pat Orr, Jonathan on November 16, 1977 (except for Tab D (1-2) and H-1 and H-2)

***Members of the HSCA.

A CIA Memorandum for the Record stated: "Information regarding OPERATION (deleted) may be found in the files of the Defense Intelligence Agency." [CIA FOIA # F81-0351D0605]

Edmund Kolby's name appeared on a CIA index card titled "FRD - Cuban Revolutionary Front 34244B /D October 21, 1960 p1 KOLBY, Edmund 350653 /U 64." The CIA: "COLBY (FNU) (Illegible) received from a representative of Office Original Coordination of Standard Oil of New Jersey. During week July 8, 1962, source visited by Colby. Subject's first name, address (illegible) dressed, wearing glasses, speaking with slight stammer. Apparently U.S. citizen from Eastern section of U.S. Source said he spent six years in Army with Special Services, now working on project training Cubans unconventional warfare Florida, Everglades. Claimed spent three or four months a year on merchant ship. This supported him during the rest of the year while worked on training project. He expressed little love for the CIA or the U.S. Government and gave source copy of article that appeared in June 3, 1962 issue of the Denver Post 'Cuban Exiles Have Learned to Hate CIA.' Reason visiting source is to get financial backing for his project. Very critical of money given to underground groups while his group gets no financial support...Subject was not specific activities of group. Mentioned getting food and medical supplies into Cuba and 18 day course guerilla warfare." [CIA-DO1251-1500 Source CSCI-3/772,387 8.22.62 WH-740, 7.17.62 also MFR Sub: Cuban Underground Activities in Florida (Anti-Castro) #EE-29 229 Thomas A. Ogden, CI Support Desk OS/OSD/SD/4] HEMMING told this researcher: "Kolby was born in Finland. He was with the U.N. partisan forces behind the lines in North Korea. He's the black sheep of the family. Doesn't know how to drive a car. Stammers a little bit. Looks just like Wally Cocks, Mr. Peepers, he was on a number of operations. He lives in Miami. Works for the Department of Agriculture. Kolby didn't run around soliciting support. They came to him."

In 1958 INTERPEN member Loran Eugene Hall [201-253,411] smuggled arms to rebel commander Camillo Cienfuegos. On April 21, 1959, the Castro regime arrested Loran Hall on property owned by Camillo Cienfuegos for training recruits to conduct an expedition against Nicaragua: "I was a member of a group inside Cuba in the early parts of 1959 and I was part of the group that was to have gone into Nicaragua for the purpose of assassinating Somoza, and with me at that time was a man called Miro Cardona." [NYT 4.22.59] Camillo Cienfuegos was killed in a mysterious aircraft accident.

Loran Hall was imprisoned for three months, then released in July 1959. The CIA's Office of Security reported: "Subject's file reflects that 00/Contacts requested an ad hoc clearance in July 1959 to debrief Hall at the time of his return to his home in Wichita, Kansas, after his release from a Cuban prison. The FBI interrogated Hall for two hours at the Wichita FBI office on July 16, 1959 and released him. They had no objection to the Agency contacting Hall after that date but from the FBI it was learned that Hall was an unlikely Subject from which to obtain truthful information, and his value was considered questionable. The request for clearance from 00/Contacts was, therefore, canceled on October 29, 1959. The reports of the FBI interrogation of Hall in Wichita dated July 28, 1959 are contained in this file. (Deleted) His file also contains a copy of an 00 report dated September 12, 1963, and September 18, 1963, concerning a polygraph examination of Hall on 'invasions of Cuba.' This examination was given by a Mr. Robert Berrick, President of the West Coast Lie Detection Center. At that time (September 1963) Hall made a speech before the John Birch Society and he was referred to the West Coast Lie Detection Center by a representative of the John Birch Society...Hall revealed himself to be vehemently anti-Jewish during the polygraph examination and expressed his view that of the 142 top advisors in the U.S., 104 at least were Jews and that the man directly under J. Edgar Hoover at that time had at one time been deported from the U.S. for Communistic activities. The polygraph report stated that Hall had been arrested for forgery." [CIA D00213 1.9.68]

HEMMING claimed Loran Hall had never been to Cuba prior to April 1959 and was there for three days before he was arrested for meeting with an anti-Castro figure. In May 1968 Loran Hall told New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison "Prior to my being arrested over in Cuba I met five or six Americans that was over there during the revolution, like FIORINI, Thompson, Austin Young, I met quite a few of the...HEMMING told me he had been with William Morgan and I can never recall having seen HEMMING all the time that I was in Havana. I can never remember seeing him." He described his release: "Cienfuegos got me out. Put me in a command car and drove me to the airport."

INTERPEN appealed to people whom HEMMING described as having "a low level mentality," like Edward Anderson Collins. Collins was born at Shreveport, Louisiana, on August 21, 1935. HEMMING told this researcher: "Collins had come from ECONCON in Europe. He was reporting to Wallace Shanley's people." Edward Collins worked in the Dixon Language School in Miami and had ties with racist groups like the Ku Klux Klan and J.B. National Stoner's National States Rights Party. James Earl Ray's brother, Jerry Ray, was J. B. Stoner's bodyguard. In May 1962 both the FBI and the CIA were investigating Edward Collins, "regarding a bomb threat." [FBI 105-110398-2 5.1.62]

ROY HARGRAVES was HEMMING'S primary action agent. HARGRAVES (CIA SF #518 334) was born February 14, 1940, in St. Louis, Missouri. He was 5' 10" tall, 165 pounds, hazel eyes and brown hair. His father was a laborer. On May 16, 1957, HARGRAVES was charged with AWOL and escape at Lackland Air Force Base, Texas. He received a dishonorable discharge from the Air Force in 1958, after nine months of confinement in a military prison. HEMMING told this researcher: "He was charged with being AWOL and they were going to raise it to desertion. The Feds wanted to charge him with the Mann Act. HARGRAVES was trying to get his discharge cleared up in 1962. OSWALD would do the same a year later. There's some coincidence for you. People got the impression he was my enforcer and it made them nervous." On February 13, 1958, HARGRAVES was arrested for burglary in South Phoenix, Arizona. On May 5, 1958, he was charged with Grand Theft. His probation was revoked and he was sent to the Arizona State Penitentiary for two to three years. On May 23, 1958, the Board of Paroles and Pardons, Phoenix, Arizona, sentenced him to two to three years in prison. On December 12, 1959, he was "rel by expiration.' In June 1960 he was in Bossier City, Louisiana, and Benton, Louisiana, where he was arrested for investigation of burglary. On April 17, 1961, he was arrested for vagrancy in El Paso, Texas. By May 1961 he was back in Miami where he was arrested for vagrancy and shoplifting. HARGRAVES listed his occupation as "decorator." [NARA FBI 124-10031-10034]

Robert K. Brown was one of INTERPEN'S guerrilla warfare instructors. Robert K. Brown was born in Monroe, Michigan, on November 2, 1932. In the mid-1950's, he attended Army Intelligence Analyst Training School in Fort Holabird, Maryland. Robert K. Brown became involved in the anti-Batista movement in December 1957. He helped organize the 26th of July Movement at Colorado University and then traveled to Cuba in 1958. Robert K. Brown, contacted in July 1992, stated: "I went down to Cuba in the Summer of 1958 for ten days. I went down there to work on my Masters degree in February 1959 for a couple of months. I met STURGIS briefly at the Hotel Tropicana. I went back down the same time in 1960, came back, and then I went down to Miami to work on my thesis. I ran into these guys in the Spring of 1962. They had a little half-assed camp in the Everglades. I didn't get down to their camp on No Name Key." When Robert K. Brown returned to America in April 1960, he offered to train INTERPEN members. Robert K. Brown: "I have different perspective on this. I've known GERRY for 25 years. He deals in a fantasy land. As far as conducting raids, to the best of my knowledge, he never went on one goddamn raid into Cuba. After the Bay of Pigs there was a significant quantity of Americans who came down to Miami, young guys that wanted to be soldiers-of-fortune and get a piece of Castro. After a couple of weeks of sleeping on park benches, they'd finally get smart and go home. Now there was about a dozen guys that stayed on until the last hurrah in 1969. These guys were involved in a lot of peripheral plots. As far as accomplishing anything, I always characterized them as soldiers-of-misfortune. HEMMING was the most talented of the lot. But he was dealing in this mystical land of make believe."

In June 1962 Robert K. Brown had written an article entitled, "Cuban Exiles Have Learned to Hate The CIA." He held the CIA responsible for the lack of anti-Castro activity in the Miami area. He accused the Cuban Revolutionary Council of having cut back exile funding. Robert K. Brown went through the CIA's garbage. Because of his propensity for raiding trash bins and dumpsters in his CIA surveillance, Robert K. Brown was described by DAVID PHILLIPS as "one of the first garbologists." Robert K. Brown recalled, "We found out about an alleged CIA front. All we had was the location and the name 'Caribbean Marketing and Research.' I pulled out a document marked Secret. I called Jay Mallin who referred me to an FBI Agent. The next night there was no garbage there at all."

In May 1962 HEMMING and INTERPEN members HARGRAVES, Loran Hall and former CIA maritime employee Lawrence LaBorde (born August 27, 1909) were traveling back and forth between Miami and New Orleans. [HSCA Seq. Doc. 00037]

Lawrence LaBorde was a Port Captain in New Orleans who was formerly employed by the U.S. Department of Agriculture in Mexico in 1947 to 1949 as a small boat operator, but was fired for misconduct. The charges included excessive use of intoxicants, unauthorized use of firearms and failure to support dependent children.

Lawrence LaBorde had been an asset of Project (deleted) from March 17, 1961 to April 24, 1962, where he worked in Task Force W under William Harvey. [Harvey to ID/3 Tobiassen 4.24.62] HEMMING told this researcher: "He worked for an extension of ZR RIFLE. Ethnic cleansing of the new government after the Bay of Pigs. Larry LaBorde was part of this. He put guys inside Cuba for live practice runs." Lawrence LaBorde was Captain of the Tejana III, which was used in CIA operations until 1962. The Tejana III was owned by Alberto Fernandez Hechavarria, a former wealthy Cuban engaged in the sugar industry. Alberto Fernandez Hechavarria was a Princeton graduate and had attended Prep School with John Kennedy.

On March 20, 1961, H.K. Clayton, the Chief of the Investigations Branch of the CIA generated a memo for the Chief, Security Support Division on "LaBorde, Lawrence J. #2415898 PCSA IB/3. 1. WH/4 has requested a (deleted) approval in the name of the Subject on an expedite basis to permit his utilization under project (Deleted)." Clayton asked for an FBI check on LaBorde.

September 29, 1961

MEMORANDUM FOR: Chief, WH/4/Security

SUBJECT: Crew Member, Tejana, Lawrence LaBorde.

1. On September 29, 1961 Mr. (Deleted) was debriefed upon his return from TDY at the (deleted) area and his subsequent return to the Office of Logistics. Mr. (Deleted) advised of the following incident that occurred during his travel from (deleted) of Washington while in Key West.

2. The chief engineer of the motor vessel Tejana, first name Larry (LNU), happened to meet (deleted) at a small restaurant at lunch time when (deleted) was in Key West. Larry recognized (deleted) and proceeded to tell him that he, Larry, knew where (deleted) had been and what he had been doing. He further went on to state in an indiscreet manner that he knew where all of 'you' people were at all times. Mr. (Deleted) did not pursue the situation further and attempted to exit gracefully. He stated that this is not the first time that Larry has been indiscrete in his discussion of Project activities. From previous contact with Larry, Mr. Deleted has observed him to be addicted to alcohol, or unsavory reputation... however this individual is the only engineer aboard the Tejana that can operate the vessel. In difficulties with the operation of the Tejana due primarily of Larry's being an American citizen, Larry has stated in effect that he does not care who gives orders. He will go on operations if he so desires. At various times he has further berated the Agency."

3. This matter is brought to your attention for possible action on your part. [CIA Memo for Chief/WH/4/Security from Donald Connors]

CLASSIFIED MESSAGE

DATE: April 24, 1962

TO: DIRECTOR

FROM: JMWAVE

ACTION: C/TFW 3 (TEMPO COPY SLOTTED C/TFW

INFO: DOP, S/C 2 CITE WAVE 3023

1. On April 24, 1962, (deleted) Rep contacted (deleted) WAVE. Advised that (Deleted) had received info that Lawrence LaBorde reportedly received instructions from a "Max A. Kubarker" to blow up vessel S.S. William owned by one Babun and of Panamanian Registry when it docks at pier three Miami next two or three days. Further LaBorde and unidentified group considering raiding a warehouse owned by KUBARK at Key West, containing various arms and equipment protected by only one guard

2. Check with (deleted) revealed that LaBorde contacted him on April 22, 1962, and advised that LaBorde considering destruction of a ship, name not furnished, that would dock at pier three next few days. LaBorde indicated ship carrying material not in best interests (deleted) attempted to dissuade and urged LaBorde return home in Louisiana.

3. Check with all local (deleted) Rep Negative.

4. (Deleted) advised that LaBorde had been member of group we had supported, but was not directly employed by KUBARK. Upon termination of the activity of which LaBorde was a member, LaBorde was let go on March 12, 1962. He is of no interest to us nor are we responsible for his actions. LaBorde had signed a secrecy agreement and was knowledgeable our installations Key West area, therefore we have security interest in his not revealing this aspect of his activities. LaBorde has reputation of being completely unpredictable and not easily controlled. There is some opinion he is capable of attempting alleged course of action.

5. Station attempting learn LaBorde's whereabouts and if successful will notify (deleted) if (deleted) contacts LaBorde will attempt to obtain results of their interview.

6. (Deleted) alerted to increase guard coverage on warehouse.

April 24, 1962

MEMORANDUM FOR: Deputy Director of Security (Investigations & Operational Support)

ATTENTION: ID/3, Mr. Tobiassen

SUBJECT: LARRY LaBORDE

1. Reference is made to the memorandum dated March 17, 1961, which requested a (Deleted) for the Subject's use as a maritime asset of Project (deleted) and to the (deleted) issued on March 24, 1961.

2. The Subject is no longer of any interest to Task Force W and all clearance action may be canceled.

(Deleted) William K. Harvey, Chief, Task Force W.

On May 2, 1962, this CIA cable was sent:

Origin: Pmiller;dad

From: Director

Conf. C/TFW 3 **

Info: DDP, S/C 2

REF: WAVE 3023 (IN 24722)*

1. Ref info received Headquarters May 1, 1962, states LaBorde working with Antonio Questa, Cuban national, GERALD PATRICK HEMMING and Edward Collins, American mercenaries.

2. Further stated KUBARK rep Miami should apprise local authorities of LaBorde's plan. Has this been done?

End of Message.

TFW Comment: Re LaBorde's plan to blow up S. S. William and raid Kubark warehouse at Key West.

C/S comment: Dissemination applicable to (deleted) cables.

Releasing Officer (signature deleted)

William K. Harvey, Chief, Task Force W. (Deleted)

On May 23, 1962, "NO-T-1," an FBI informant connected to the Cuban Revolutionary Council, advised that Lawrence LaBorde contacted three members of the Cuban Revolutionary Council in early May and told them he wanted to help move supplies to anti-Castro Cubans within Cuba. Lawrence LaBorde said that he had been active in fighting Castro before the Bay of Pigs, and was currently running guns from the Florida Keys to Cuba with CIA assent.

DISPATCH

TO: Chief, Task Force W

From: Chief of Station, JM WAVE

SUBJECT: (Deleted) Operational Comment on Newspaper Article.

1. In reply to referenced request for information with regard to the newspaper article to be published in the Denver Post [by Robert K. Brown] on June 3, 1963, the following is provided.

A. The source of the information in this article is almost certainly Lawrence J. LaBorde who was associated with the motor vessel M/V Tejana III, which has been utilized in KUBARK operations on and off since early 1961. LaBorde has at various times been Acting Captain of the Tejana, but basically served as its Chief Engineer as a result of his experience with pancake diesel engines which comprised the power plant for the ship. The Tejana is probably identical to the 'Florida' mentioned in the article on the basis that the size of the crew and the general crew replacements generally conform to crew changes that were made on the Tejana at JMWAVE's instigation.

C. In April 1962 when Larry LaBorde was informed that his services on the Tejana were to be terminated, he became quite bitter towards those KUBARK officials with whom he previously had contact necessitated by the mounting of maritime operations in which the Tejana was utilized as the mother ship. LaBorde evidenced prejudice (deleted) whom he knew to be responsible for his being fired in 1949 in Mexico. His conduct on being separated included the making of reckless threats which were recorded at the time in WAVE 3023.

E. As background for Headquarters in formulating answers to questions which may be forthcoming re Subject article, it should be pointed out throughout 1961 WAVE, of necessity, relied upon wealth (deleted) exiles to provide boats to be used on maritime operations in the absence of unilateral boats or the ability to acquire them. Numerous problems developed mainly in the realm of security. The LaBorde/Tejana situation was the most difficult one of these arrangements to control mainly as a result of (1) LaBorde's American citizenship, and (2) that fact that Larry LaBorde's qualifications as a pancake diesel motor engineer made him literally indispensable if the Tejana was to be utilized. The problems mounting out of the program to utilize Cuban exile boats on a contract basis led to a policy decision to replace such boats with unilaterally controlled boats as soon as time would permit. The phasing out of Cuban exile boats quite naturally was interpreted by the boat crews and owners to represent a decrease in anti-Castro activity and possibly an end to such activity. The anger among the crews at this possibility quite naturally resulted in a number of protests which, with the exception of Larry LaBorde, were taken care of by the appropriate reassurances which of necessity could not reveal KUBARK's policy of continuing the anti-Castro campaign with unilaterally controlled vessels.

F. LaBorde was finally removed from the WAVE area with the assistance of (deleted) who sent him to New Orleans with ample termination funds only to have him show up in the area again and become involved with any KUBARK sponsored exile groups, who, under the leadership of independent American soldiers-of-fortune who were regularly coming to the attention of the local press. LaBorde was again assisted out of the area by (deleted) and has not been heard from for approximately a month prior to the arrival of the reference.

William Harvey was angry: "We would appreciate it receiving your views on what might possibly be done to make life difficult for LaBorde. Any proposal you might have, including possible use of the (deleted) will most certainly receive favorable consideration and will probably be approved. Our aim obviously would be to ensure that Larry LaBorde does not continue to be a source of misinformation and to be a general nuisance to all of us." [CIA 201-294688 6.29.62]

Joe Cavendish Garman was arrested in Frankfort, Kentucky, on November 8, 1959, and charged with CCDW. On August 19, 1960, he was arrested for illegal transportation of alcoholic beverages for resale. He was fined and given 30 days in jail. On July 10, 1961, he was arrested for vagrancy in Fort Lauderdale, Florida.

HEMMING told this researcher that Whatley came over to INTERPEN from the STURGIS' group. Robert K. Brown interviewed Whatley on September 16, 1972.

Q. What knowledge do you have of the Operations STURGIS participated in?

A. I built him a bomb, out of an oxygen bottle. Capped it, fused it, filled it with 50# of C-3 plastic explosive. He dropped it. It did not explode because it was 'safetyed' the safety device had not been removed. There is no doubt in my mind that STURGIS was involved with the Pittsburgh Mafia because I was there. I watched them play poker when there was $20,000 on the table. TRAFFICANTE and his boys. STURGIS was our leader, but it turned out the ultimate conclusion was that TRAFFICANTE was his backer. He was our money.

Q. What relationship was there between TRAFFICANTE and the Pittsburgh crowd?

A. They were all together as far as I know. Rothman taking orders from Pittsburgh Phil and Phil taking orders from TRAFFICANTE. In that hotel owned by Rothman. [Westmoreland Tribune Review 10.25.77 Doris O'Donnell]

On June 21, 1962, HEMMING received a letter from the CIA informing him that he would not be hired. HEMMING told this researcher: "That's bullshit. CIA never sent me a letter about being hired or recruited for a goddamn thing. They never sent me a fucking message. I had contact with Justin Gleichauf from OO twice. One time was the Bay of Pigs. They sold out two of my guys who Somoza wanted dead. After that nothing face-to-face, all by pay phone. Gleichauf was liaison with law enforcement."

Luis Rabel Nunez, aka Luis Ravel, was the delegate of the Cuban Revolutionary Council in New Orleans from 1960 to 1961. Luis Rabel was the son of a native born American citizen and had been raised in comfortable circumstances, on a farm next to that of the father of Fidel Castro. He had known Fidel when both were children. When interviewed in 1977, Luis Rabel said that he had resigned and moved to Venezuela in October 1962, since the Cuban Revolutionary Council had turned out to be a "complete fiasco." Luis Rabel said the names HEMMING or Lawrence LaBorde did not ring any bells. When questioned in HUNT v. ajweberman, HUNT denied having known Luis Rabel.

Francisco Antonio Bartes Clarens [CIA 201-289,005 also CIA 201-289,685], was the delegate of the Cuban Revolutionary Council in New Orleans from November 1962 to 1964. Frank Bartes succeeded Luis Rabel. Frank Bartes had been the president of a private railroad in pre-Castro Cuba. His firm, which employed thousands of workers and had assets of $100 million, was nationalized by Castro in 1960. When he came to the United States, he operated a New Orleans Washeteria from 1961 to 1963.

The CIA: "(Deleted) on Frank Bartes shows that he was an FBI informant (dates not given) and that his contact was with S.A. DeBRUEYS." The CIA reported: "Subject's 201 file shows that on the basis of favorable information provided CIA by a U.S. citizen and former employee of Frank Bartes, William C. Davis, Headquarters queried (deleted) (LL-46206 July 15, 1960) (deleted) (Comment: It is requested that Western Hemisphere/Caribbean Operations Group answer this question)." Frank Bartes connection to the Deputy Director/Plans began with a December 29, 1960, Provisional Operational Approval request that was granted January 30, 1961: "The request was canceled on August 30, 1961, and (deleted) was not used during this interval. (Per JMWAVE 0483 December 4, 1967)." Frank Bartes had meetings with the Domestic Contacts Division: "The first contact of Domestic Contacts Division New Orleans with (deleted) occurred on May 4, 1961. Between that date and January 1967, a total of 13 meetings took place. (Deleted) is the source of six Domestic Contacts Division reports. Contact has not been terminated." [CIA Memo 8 1.12.68]

HEMMING told this researcher: "Bartes was a very distinguished guy, a close friend of Bill Pawley. He was of Spanish descent, very patrician. This ain't no flat nosed beaner, tortilla roller. This is a goddamn aristocrat. The guy is honorable." On May 21, 1963, this article appeared in The New Orleans Times Picayune:

CUBAN COUNCIL ENVOY IS HEARD

Frankin, La. Man Honored for Editorial

Cubans have the feeling they have been sold out, not only by the American people, but by the American Government, Frank Bartes said Monday night...Bartes, a delegate of the Cuban Revolutionary Council spoke at a meeting sponsored by the DRE, Alpha-66, the Second National Front of Escambray and the Council. CARLOS BRINGUIER also spoke.

A Counter-Intelligence Research & Analysis memorandum stated: "On June 25, 1962, Lawrence LaBorde, HEMMING, Howard K. Davis paid a visit to Frank Bartes in New Orleans and reached an agreement to train anti-Castro Cubans." [CIA Attach. No.5. Garrison 8.7.67]

A memorandum from the Chief of the New Orleans Domestic Contacts Division Office, Subject, "Proposal Made to New Orleans Refugee Group for the Military Training of a Refugee Group in the State of Louisiana," stated:

1. On Thursday, June 28, 1962, Cuban Revolutionary Council Delegate among the Cuban refugees, Frank Bartes, spoke with Llyod Ray, with whom he is on friendly terms and (illegible) he could give us some interesting information.

2. The information he gave us is certainly not foreign positive intelligence but it may be of some interest to the Counter-Intelligence Staff.

3. Bartes said that on Monday, June 25, 1962, he had been contacted by three U.S. citizens named Laric LaBorde, HEMMING and Howard K. Davis. Bartes says that he had met LaBorde some time ago in Miami. At any rate, these three people told Bartes and another Cuban refugee here in New Orleans at a meeting held in Bartes house that they were anxious to begin training of a group of Cuban refugees in the New Orleans area. They would train them as guerilla fighters and as demolition experts with the idea of infiltrating into Cuba.

4. Bartes says that he and another Cuban refugee from New Orleans went to Miami a month or so ago and at that time they met LaBorde and LaBorde had told them that he was interested in working with the Cuban refugees and that he had been previously been connected with a training camp in the Everglades and that camp was abandoned because of fires in the Everglades.

5. When Bartes returned to New Orleans, according to him, he called the local FBI office and asked them, if he could, in his words, 'clear' LaBorde. The Bureau told him that it could not give him an official clearance, they would look into the situation and contact (illegible) would contact Mr. Bartes and Mr. Rabel, who is the nominal head of the Cuban movement in New Orleans.

6. Bartes says some days later the FBI contacted Luis Rabel and told him as far as LaBorde was concerned, off [sic]. Curiously enough, both Bartes and Rabel took this to mean the FBI clearance of LaBorde, so when LaBorde and the other contacted Rabel and Bartes in New Orleans, they had no hesitancy in working with them.

7. We, of course, told Bartes that all of this was out of the question and we had absolutely nothing to do with such matters and could not offer any advice which he seemed to be asking for. He said, however, that the (illegible) was giving us this information was that these men (text covered) that the CIA is doing nothing and is preventing other people (text covered) d that they are anxious to do something to help the Cuban (text covered). And Bartes said that since he had furnished us with information (text covered) thought that we should know about the present situation.

8. The three men gave to Bartes the documents which (text covered) which is a clipping, or alleged clipping from the Denver Post of Sunday June 3, 1962, which castigates CIA and Dr. Miro Cardona, the other document which is undated, and which is signed by Luis del Nodal Vega who styles himself Military Coordinator MR 30 11, GERALD PATRICK HEMMING JR., G/W Instructor for INTERPEN and Howard K. Davis, G/W Instructor for INTERPEN, and is approved by Carlos Rodriguez Quesada, National Coordinator for MR 30 11, Arturo Gonzales Gonzalez MR 30 11, Dr. Odoardo Fonseca, M.D. MR 30 11. Bartes was also told by HEMMING and (text covered) this document had been presented tot he CIA in Miami last year but that (text covered) come of it.

9. As we said above, we told Bartes that while we would be glad to have copies of any of the documents which he had, we could not and would not advise him in any manner, shape or form in connection with any such operation. He seemed to understand that we could not help him and when he left he said that he would tell the three men, LaBorde, HEMMING and Davis, that he could not go along with them.

10. While Bartes did not tell us this, we did ascertain from a source who is a close friend of Bartes that he had seen Bartes with the men described above, and they looked like a bunch of thugs. He also said that Bartes had told him confidentially that he was dealing with these people as a representative of the New Orleans refugee organization but he did not give him any details. He did tell the other men, however, that these men were armed and therefore potentially dangerous.

11. We pass this information on for what it is worth. [LAR Memo Burke to Collins 1962] The CIA stated "Bartes reached an agreement with LaBorde who, he said, was anti-CIA."

Frank Bartes told an investigator for Jim Garrison that "when he took over the Cuban Revolutionary Council in November 1962 membership lists had been prepared for the New Orleans Division and that these membership lists remained essentially the same for the New Orleans area. During the period of his administration Mr. Bartes had two informal meetings of the Council at his home and the persons he remembers as attending these meetings at his home are indicated by a check mark next to their name on Attachment No. 3. According to Mr. Bartes, Mr. Lawrence LaBorde of this city would occasionally come to the meetings of the Revolutionary Council, but Mr. Bartes does not recall having Mr. LaBorde in his home at any time to attend a meeting of the Council. Mr. Bartes recalls that Mr. LaBorde introduced him to JERRY PATRICK HEMMING and to HOWARD DAVIS in late 1962 but he does not recall whether LaBorde brought these two men to his home for the introduction, or whether the introduction was made elsewhere. He does recall, however, that on one occasion JERRY PATRICK HEMMING and HOWARD DAVIS came to his (Bartes) residence to try to obtain funds for a training camp in the Covington area, and to locate a site for the training camp. Mr. Bartes was not able to assist in obtaining funds for this project, but states that he did fly over the Covington area with HEMMING and Davis in an attempt to locate a suitable training area in early 1963 in an aircraft rented from the Pan-Air Corporation located at the New Orleans Lakefront Airport. He recalls that Howard Davis piloted the aircraft and that the conversation indicated that the training area, if one could be located, would be used to train a team of men to blow up the Shell Oil Refinery in Havana Harbor. Bartes expected that his operation had the sanction and support of our State Department and/or the CIA but later learned, through his superiors in Miami, that is was a private project of HEMMING and DAVIS and the end result was that it was not given the support of the Cuban Revolutionary Council." These names were on attachment No. 3: CARLOS BRINGUIER, Arnesto Napolian Rodriguez, Manuel Gil and Orestes Pena.

Frank Bartes told the HSCA: "Tony Varona was especially leery of the plan, also news reports of the camp contributed to the rejection of the idea." When questioned in HUNT v. ajweberman, HUNT denied knowing Frank Bartes.

In June 1993 Howard K. Davis recalled: "We did not establish a training camp there, but someone else did. The only reason it wasn't established was because the guy who took us to Louisiana was a CIA boat captain [Larry LaBorde] down in the Florida area. After we had made arrangements and had done some preliminary work, he went to the newspapers and all of a sudden it was in the front page of the New Orleans newspapers. And they had a big story about how we were seen going up the Mississippi River in a PT boat. None of this was true."

On June 26, 1962, William A. Pennington, an unemployed male nurse, contacted Army Intelligence Region V, 112th INTC Group, New Orleans: "On June 26, 1962 William Pennington, presently a patient at U.S. Veterans Hospital, New Orleans, reported that he has been in contact with Luis Ravel (phonetic) [Rabel] concerning Pennington's possible recruitment for military service with anti-Castro forces. Ravel advised Pennington that President Cardona arrived in New Orleans on Sunday, June 24, 1962, and that 'plans are being made for a move soon.' Pennington interprets this to mean that an invasion of Cuba is imminent. Ravel stated that he hoped Pennington would soon be able to leave the hospital and arrange for a personal meeting with him. Pennington, who is being treated for a gall bladder disorder, expects to be released from the hospital within the next 10 days. Pennington requested that this office furnish him with U.S. Army Field manuals dealing with infantry tactics." Pennington was advised to request such publications through the U.S. Government Printing office.

On July 9, 1962, William A. Pennington told Army Intelligence that he had again been in contact with Luis Ravel concerning Pennington's possible military service with anti-Castro forces. On the evening of July 9, 1962, exact date unknown, a sailing vessel, equipped with two diesel engines, further description unknown, left the New Orleans yacht basin. Aboard the vessel was a landing party, strength unknown led by two United States citizens, Larry (LNU) [ LaBorde] and FRANK (LNU) [STURGIS]. Both of these individuals are former members of the United States Marine Corps. The vessel will reportedly anchor 20 miles off the Cuban coast, at which point the landing party will proceed to the beach by motor launch. The purpose of the landing is to bring out some people, however, Pennington does not know whether or not these unidentified persons desire to voluntarily leave Cuba. Through his conversations with Ravel, Pennington gained the impression that the individuals will be involuntarily brought from Cuba...Pennington was prepared to accompany the landing party; however, at approximately 12:00 p.m. July 9, 1962, Ravel advised him that the landing party was formed and that his services would not be needed. Ravel told Pennington that the vessel would participate in a similar operation in about two weeks. Pennington is to contact Ravel again on July 14, 1962. If Pennington takes any part in the operations of the anti-Castro forces, the expenses of his family will be defrayed by the Pemberton Theater Chain, Miami, Florida."

William A. Pennington also contacted the CIA, advising: "Larry Laborde, GERALD PATRICK HEMMING and Howard K. Davis...were anxious to begin training a group of Cuban refugees in the New Orleans area...the reason he was giving [CIA] this information was that these three men hate the CIA, and have said that the CIA is doing nothing to overthrow Castro." William Pennington gave the Agency a newspaper article in which HEMMING, Howard K. Davis, and several members of the 30th of November Movement castigated it. [CIA F82-0428/5] Contacted in 1993, Luis Rabel stated that although the name sounded familiar, he did not remember William Pennington. He conceded that he met a lot of "screwballs and nuts that offered help" around this time. HEMMING told this researcher: "During the meeting with Luis Rabel we also met with Guy Banister, although the FBI shit doesn't mention it. We went next door to Luis Rabel's son-in-law to use his telephone. Banister was there."

By July 17, 1962, William Pennington had been "rolled over" by the INTERPEN crew. When William Pennington made his next report to Army Intelligence, he told the agents that he "has now gone all the way and holds the rank of Captain' in the anti-Castro forces in the New Orleans area. Pennington vehemently attacked the U.S. Government in general, and the various federal and military intelligence agencies in particular for their failure to take any action to overthrow the Castro regime. Pennington also strongly attacked the maritime and trade policies which allows Greek, Liberian, Swedish, English and Canadian vessels to load military equipment and supplies at the Port of New Orleans for delivery to Cuba. Pennington requested information as to 'what would happen' if such a vessel were to be sabotaged in the Port of New Orleans, or 'pirated on the high seas.' Pennington's conversation implied he might possibly be contemplating such actions; however, he made no definite statement to that effect." This FBI document on Pennington cited an article by William Stuckey in the July 21, 1962, edition of the New Orleans States-Item about HEMMING. That was the last the Army Intelligence heard from Pennington.

The HSCA tried to interview Pennington and found: "Information received from neighbors, who 'request no identification,' Subject is 'deceased.' Died approximately one and a half years ago. Family still resides at the above address and was not available for interview." [HSCA OCR William Brown 5.15.78] The parents of William Pennington told HSCA investigator William Brown that their son had died in 1976.

William Stuckey advised the FBI on July 25, 1962, that Lawrence LaBorde had contacted him. He claimed to have some connection to the CIA and to have sailed back and forth to Cuba between 1960 and 1961. "LaBorde informed Stuckey that he was a soldier-of-fortune...and that he had worked with JERRY PATRICK, aka JERRY PATRICK HEMMING, an ex-Marine." In August 1962 Lawrence LaBorde had reportedly duped certain persons into buying a schooner by saying he and a crew would operate it for Cuban operations. In September this CIA Dispatch was generated: To: Chief (Deleted)

From: Chief (Deleted)

Reported New Anti-Castro Organization in Miami Which Includes Some Americans. Action Required: FYI (Deleted)

1. On September 26, 1962 (deleted) reported (deleted) information as reported below.

A. (Deleted) a group or association called Hermandad Cubana (Cuban Brotherhood) which includes seven or eight Americans.

B. (Deleted) The group is selling fund-raising bonds and about 20 to 30 individuals are engaged in selling them.

C. Among the Americans there is one called Larry. He and (Deleted) were instructors of Fidel Castro's troops during the early part of the Castro regime. (Deleted) Possibly the "Larry" referred to in Para 1c is either (Deleted) or JERRY PATRICK HEMMING.

End of Dispatch." [CIA FOIA 18626]

William Stuckey did a feature story on HEMMING and INTERPEN for the July 21, 1962, New Orleans States-Item, which read:

NEW ORLEANS AND THE AMERICAS

ADVENTURER WORKS HARD TO ESTABLISH ANTI-CASTRO BASE NEAR COVINGTON

By BILL STUCKEY

Local Cubans and a shadowy American adventurer have been working feverishly - but unsuccessfully - for over a month to set up an anti-Castro guerilla training camp base near Covington.

The American soldier-of-fortune, The States-Item learned, is GERALD PATRICK HEMMING. He claims to be an ex-Marine.

PATRICK first popped into the news last summer when Miami newspapers found he was training anti-Castro guerillas in the Everglades. He called his band the Intercontinental Penetration Force. Both he and INTERPEN however, dropped out of sight last fall after the FBI began checking to see if he was violating U.S. neutrality laws.

Last February, PATRICK showed up in New Orleans, apparently at the invitation of local Cuban Revolutionary Council leaders and other Cubans who wanted to take direct action against Castro. With the help of anonymous U.S. patrons, the Cubans began supplying PATRICK with machine guns, explosives and other military supplies.

PATRICK made regular trips here, slipping in and out of the port secretly in a modern, well-equipped PT boat.

Last spring, another anonymous U.S. patron offered PATRICK a large tract of land - complete with airstrip - on the north shore of Lake Pontchartrain. PATRICK agreed to set up a training base, handling classes of 50 or so Cuban recruits at a time. After completion of training, the guerillas would be like their Everglades counterparts, transported to Cuba secretly to work with the anti-Castro underground. The men also would have been used to make lightening raids on the Cuban coast to divert the attention of Castro's militia from important sabotage missions.

Luis Rabel, local delegate of the Cuban Revolutionary Council, confirmed last week the Miami Council Headquarters nixed the Covington base for undisclosed reasons.

Who is this PATRICK?

Rabel describes him as a rangy, six-foot-seven type who can shoot two heavy machine guns from the hip at the same time, cowboy style. Miami sources say he wears an Australian bush hat, a neat beard and wears his hair long and wavy. He's been described as an Errol Flynn type in appearance, a French musketeer type and as the "biggest, strongest and homsomest" man in INTERPEN.

Although he claims his group has little money, local Cubans guess that he has extensive financial backing. His equipment is of the latest model, and the power boat he brings here periodically is "at least a $20,000 job."

PATRICK tells the Cubans he was to topple Castro because the Fidelista regime imprisoned his Cuban wife on charges of "counter-revolutionary activity." She has been sentenced to 30 years.

About 30, PATRICK claims to have served with the Marine Corps for more than four years, including a stint in the Far East as a sergeant with the Marine Air Wing. However, when PATRICK first began to get headlines there, Miami sources said Marine records show no trace of either a PATRICK or a HEMMING.

HEMMING "He turned up at Fort Meyers Beach. On a steel, two-masted 48-foot boat, another crew of people that Larry LaBorde conned into sailing down the Miami with their vessels, to fight for freedom. OSWALD was seen around those people. He was on deck telling fucking ghost stories. I was gonna confront him: 'Who's this guy from Los Angeles says he knows me?' They called back up to the harbor master and he said this guy had left. OSWALD was the missing crew member at Fort Meyers Beach."

HEMMING told this researcher: "OSWALD was at the fucking airport, got a glimpse of his ass at the airport when we got on the plane to do the first overflight survey in the scene in mid-1962. In New Orleans in 1962. We saw him. a familiar fucking face."

HUNT wrote that in early 1961: "Nino Diaz had been dusted off, and together with a hundred untrained followers, sent to the CIA's amphibious base on Lake Pontchartrain, Louisiana." [HUNT Day p156] In 1967 the FBI found no traces of this base: "During the years 1960, 1961, 1962, no information was obtained from sources regarding a camp where guerrilla training was given to Cuban exiles in the Lake Pontchartrain area. The only information contained in the files of the New Orleans Office regarding a training camp for Cuban exiles in the New Orleans area is contained in a New Orleans letter to the Bureau, dated March 23, 1961, in the case captioned "Clip" Bufile 105-89923, New Orleans file 105-1446 which sets forth information that (deleted) appeared at the New Orleans office on March 13, 1961 and identified himself as a security officer in charge of an operation under the caption "CLIP." (Deleted) located at the Belle Chasse Ammunition Depot. He advised there were approximately 140 to 200 Cubans located at that base undergoing expert training in underwater demolition use of sabotage techniques and combat techniques. (Deleted) Information was also set forth in this communication that on March 18, 1961, (deleted) who identified themselves as investigators for the CIA contacted (deleted) and furnished data relative to the nature of their operation. He also furnished information that (deleted)." [FBI 62-109060-4759]

On October 26, 1967, Donovan Pratt of CI R&A sent a Memorandum to C/WH/COG (Cuban Operation Group) the Subject of which was "Garrison Investigation: Belle Chasse Training Camp: "A recently published booklet concerning the Garrison case and entitled Plot or Politics? was written by States-Item reporters Rosemary James and Jack Wardlaw. The following appears on page 49: 'Meanwhile, Executive Assistant DA Alvin Oser...came a across a third training camp near Belle Chasse, Louisiana." Pratt wanted to know everything about this site. This memo was routed to DAVID PHILLIPS who drafted this reply:

WH/C 67-336

MEMORANDUM FOR: Chief, CI/R & A

SUBJECT: Garrison Investigation: Belle Chasse Training Camp

REFERENCE: CI/ R & A Memorandum Dated October 26, 1967

1. Listed below us the information pertaining to the Belle Chasse training camp which was requested in reference memorandum.

a. The training site was activated on February 18, 1961 and the first group of trainees arrived on February 18, 1961.

b. The site was located eight miles from New Orleans at the U.S. Naval Ammunition Depot which had been inactive for five years.

c. The site covered 3,500 acres of marshlands adjoining the Mississippi River. The depot consisted of ammunition magazines storage areas, warehouses, various frame and brick buildings, many miles of interlocking railroad tracks and both hard surface and improved roads and the entire site was enclosed by a chain link fence. Since much of the terrain was unaccessible and unsuitable for training purposes, due to the marshy ground and poisonous reptiles, a limited area was used for actual training purposes. This area was located where the activity could neither be heard no observed.

The base closed on April 21, 1961, and the training site was completely sterilized by Base and cleared Navy personnel after all demolition, ammunition, ordnance items, and field equipment was sterilized and air-lifted to a Midwest depot. Material on loan from the military was restored to original condition and returned to the appropriate military component.

e. Approximately 300 Cubans were trained at the site over a six week period. The only known list of trainees which was available at Headquarters has not been located to date. A search has been initiated for this list.

f. The training consisted of weapons firing, demolition, guerilla warfare, communications, UDT, etc. One group was trained as a strike force assault battalion and was sent to Guatemala on March 22, 1961, to join the Bay of Pigs invasion strike force.

g. The training camp location never came to public knowledge through press media. However, the New York Times and New Orleans radio and television stations reported that a Cuban training camp was located outside of New Orleans, according to information emanating from Miami. Inquiries were directed to high level military and Louisiana officials, who denied knowledge of such a camp and the site was not identified. Subsequent to the above publicity, the representative of a leading T.V. station appeared at the main gate of the installation and requested permission to enter and take pictures. Naval authorities denied permission and there were no further inquiries. The actual training site was quite some distance from the main gates of the depot which was identified by an inscription cut into the concrete 'U.S. Naval Ammunition Depot.' Whether the T.V. representative was trying to identify the location of the rumored training site or simply take pictures of a deactivated historical landmark for posterity, is not known.

h. The training camp was entirely Agency controlled and the training was conducted by Agency personnel.

2. During the initial phase of activation, the depot was sterilized to avoid any indication of government interest and to prevent disclosure of actual physical location of training camp to newly assigned trainees. For example, all U.S. Navy references on boxcars, buildings, etc. were painted out or destroyed. Although the first group of trainees transferred to the base from Florida knew they were going to an abandoned ammunition depot located near New Orleans, maximum precautions were taken to insure that the site location could not be pinpointed while the trainees were being transported from the airport to the camp. Despite all precautions, one incident occurred that is significant in view of the recent publication naming the Belle Chasse camp. One night, a group of trainees arriving at the Moisant Airport from Miami, were observed by Orlando Piedra, the former Chief of the Bureau of Investigation during the Batista regime. Piedra obtained the license numbers of the rental vehicles used for transporting the trainees to the camp. His license number was likewise observed by our security officer at the scene. Piedra, who is one of the individuals included in the CI R&A memorandum dated September 15, 1967 (page 3 -item 21), and memorandum #5 (paragraph 4-J) may be the individual who provided the information contained in the recent publication. In any event, it would be surprising indeed of some of the 300 trainees involved have not discussed their training activities in detail over the past six years. With the clue that the camp was located at an abandoned Navy ammunition depot outside New Orleans, a long-time resident such as Piedra, Arcacha Smith, Fowler, or LaBorde, would eventually be able to narrow down the location despite the extreme security precautions that were in effect during the training period. Although only the commanding officers of the ammunition depot and Naval Air Station were knowledgeable of the activities on the grounds, an enterprising reporter or investigator could probably surface other corroborating bits of information which would help identify the training site. For example, despite the fact the majority of supplies and equipment was procured through Navy facilities, certain items were necessarily purchased on the local market, thereby producing a sudden influx of cash in an area that had been dormant for five years. In any event, although the Garrison investigation may eventually lead to identifying the site as a government installation, there has never been any evidence or publicity identifying the Agency as the actual operators of the training camp.

3. CI/R&A may wish to discuss further aspects of the Belle Chasse training camp with Mr. (Deleted) former Base Chief, and Mr. (Deleted) former Security Officer, who are presently assigned to Headquarters. Mr. (Deleted) can be reached at this SOD office and Mr. (Deleted) can be reached at OS/SRS.

Signed DAVID PHILLIPS Chief, WH/COG

DDP/WH/COG/CICS/N. Gratz:ear

Distribution:

Orig & 1 - Addressee

1- WH/Reg/C

1 - C/WH/COG

1 - WH/COG/CICS

1- Originator

[CIA OGC 67-2061]

The CIA deleted the names of Louisiana law enforcement officials who were aware of the camp. Four of these men were aware of its CIA-sponsorship. [CIA MFR 2.14.68 Sarah K. Hall]

Why was this memo concerning the Belle Chasse training camp routed to PHILLIPS whose job relating to the Bay of Pigs was supposed to have only concerned propaganda? DAVID PHILLIPS had a detailed knowledge of this camp. If he hadn't organized it, he certainly had visited it. PHILLIPS was familiar with Larry LaBorde, who was close to HEMMING.

The CIA stated: "New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison has charged that Cuban training activities at Lake Pontchartrain were Agency sponsored. While this statement is false, the Cuban Revolutionary Front (deleted) later became the Cuban Revolutionary Council (deleted)." [CIA OS Rasco Memo 12.14.67] HEMMING 1994: "Part of my cadre had operations in the Covington, Louisiana area, near Lake Pontchartrain, [where OSWALD grew up]. It was set up unofficially. We had scattered facilities at Mandeville, Houma, La Combe and Algiers. Howard K. Davis was there. No Name Key was our next training facility." HEMMING convinced New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison that David Ferrie was at this camp. In a memorandum to William C. Sullivan, William A. Branigan advised: "Garrison alleged David Ferrie was a member of a group of anti-Castro Cubans who were located in 1961 and 1962 at Lake Pontchartrain, Louisiana (deleted). Nothing in Bureau files to indicate David Ferrie connected with this (deleted)." [FBI 109060-4634]. On February 1, 1977, Raymond M. Reardon of CIA's Security Analysis Group/Office of Security, wrote a memo for the Deputy Inspector General, which stated: "During our Task Force meeting on January 27, 1977, there was some discussion of the question of any Agency training activities having taken place in the vicinity of New Orleans. The attached debriefing of a former Staff Employee in regard to (deleted) came across my desk recently. I have also seen references to some Agency training that had taken place at the (deleted), and this may be the site referred to in the attached debriefing. This Agency training should not be confused with the infamous training activity which took place at Lake Pontchartrain circa 1962. The Lake Pontchartrain activity was run by GERALD PATRICK HEMMING as part of his Intercontinental Penetration Force (INTERPEN). There was no Agency connection with any INTERPEN activities. FRANK STURGIS of Watergate fame was also connected with INTERPEN activities." [CIA FOIA 18658 SAG Memo w/h re: H 9.10.75]

Questioned in 1993 Rabel stated, "I heard of it but I never went there. I think it was in operation at one time." Mr. Blackmer of the HSCA questioned him about this: "Did you ever go to Lake Pontchartrain to survey possible sites for any kind of (Access Restricted FBI/CIA)." Rabel was also asked about HEMMING:

Q. So did this man discuss with you The killing of Fidel Castro?

A. Oh, he had an obsession about it. In fact, he used to say, 'I just come back from Cuba. I took a shot at a man who had whiskers on.' I think this man was really unbalanced, truthfully. We were scared of him. We got to the point where we would - and yet he was crazy. That's the funny thing about it. He said all these kinds of crazy things. [HSCA Rabel Dep.]

HEMMING 1994: "Never had any conversations with him. He's a pudgy guy. What the fuck are we trading war stories with some pudgy fuck who ain't going on the boat with us?" HEMMING was intent on killing Castro: "We had a postmaster that was dying of cancer that volunteered to do the job. He was from Marathon, Florida. He had the balls to do one of those Islamic Jihad jobs."

William Stuckey wrote: "Both FIORINI and PATRICK at one time had connections with Sanchez Arrango, former Minister under President Carlos Prio...It's an educated guess that PATRICK'S big backer might be Prio." [New Orleans States Item 7.21.62] HEMMING told this researcher: "Marcos Jimenez Perez gave us more money than Prio did. Prio was a tightwad fuck." As a result of William Stuckey's article, on August 2, 1962, an FBI document entitled "Cuban Revolutionary Council, New Orleans, LA. IS - Cuba, NM File FRANK FIORINI" was generated: "Re New Orleans airtel to Bureau, July 10, 1962 transmitting a LHM concerning the possible establishment of a training camp in the New Orleans area. Enclosed for the Bureau and Miami is a copy of a news item that appeared in the New Orleans States-Item, July 21, 1962." [FBI 2-1499 NR 8.2.62] The next day the FBI generated a document on HEMMING and the Cuban Revolutionary Council. [FBI 105-1698 NO 8.3.62]

ORIG: (deleted) gdr [CI/SIG Edgdr - Ann Egerter?]

UNIT: Task Force W/CI

DATE: August 30, 1962

To: PRITY WAVE

REF: WAVE 7857 (IN 13819)*

1. Paragraph 4 reference implies that FIORINI is under the impression Kubark has interest in operation. View fact FIORINI publicity hound and could easily implicate Kubark. Request Station through (deleted) dispel any ideas FIORINI might have regarding Kubark interest soonest. Please advise action taken.

2. Was Guantanamo Naval Base or city intended?

End of Message.

TFW Comment: Reports efforts of Cuban revolutionaries connected with the Garceran group to procure crews for B-26 aircraft to be sent to a base in Central America.

C/TFW/PA-PROP (in draft)

Releasing Officer: William K. Harvey C/TFW

Authenticating Officer: (Deleted) for (Deleted) C/TFW/CI. [NARA 1993.06.30.13:35:02:780510]

HEMMING: "Sanchez Arrango arranged for two B-26's to be delivered. He had trouble moving the second one. That's where we came in. There would be interest in the movement of B-26s. That's a nasty bird." On August 24, 1962, the FBI in Miami generated a document about HEMMING titled "Theodore Roosevelt Brigade." [FBI 105-6145 (field)]

HEMMING left Louisiana in late August 1962 and returned to No Name Key. HEMMING told this researcher: "Masferrer had used it with Diosdado's permission after Bay of Pigs. They fiddlefucked around there a couple of months. Did shit. We had no interest in the place until May, June 1962." On September 6, 1962 the FBI in Miami generated a document titled INTERPEN. On September 8, 1962, (Deleted) advised (Deleted) other American mercenaries and soldiers-of-fortune, left that day for Big Pine Key, Florida, where they would start training a group of Cuban nationals. (Deleted) On September 10, 1962, Darrel C. Carico, United States Border Patrol, Key West, Florida, advised that on September 9, 1962, he went to Big Pine Key, Florida, where he noted some 16 people in possession of several Enfield rifles, various makes and calibers of pistols and military field equipment. On September 18, 1962, the FBI noted that Customs agents had raided a Florida training camp run by HEMMING and confiscated several weapons to ensure they had not been modified in violation of Federal law. No arrests were made. [FBI 2-1693-64] HEMMING 1994: "Diosdado came there twice." That month, the CIA questioned an FBI source about the training camp. [Unmarked CIA Doc. Enc. 14 H, GP Jr. Ref. II Tracing Status: Not traced. Prior Reference - full para. deleted found in Allen v. DOD; Diosdado, Cesar 1774 Yale Ave Chula Vista, CA. 91913 telephone 619-421-5256] On September 24, 1962, the FBI in Miami generated a document titled INTERPEN.

Fidel Castro, fearing another invasion of Cuba, had armed Cuba with Soviet missiles capable of carrying atomic warheads. The United States discovered the secret missile sights 90 miles off-shore and, outraged, issued an ultimatum for the removal of the missiles. A Cuban naval blockade was planned for October 24, 1962, and a nuclear confrontation was imminent. The crisis ended when the Soviet Union agreed to withdraw the offensive missiles from Cuba. In return, President Kennedy gave the Soviets and Cubans a no-invasion pledge. President Kennedy agreed to curtail the activities of the Cuban exile organizations. HUNT believed the Soviets had "gained a great deal for very little." STURGIS was asked:

Q. Did you feel that the Russians and President Kennedy had come together to make a deal to curtail these anti-Castro activities?

a. Yes, I felt that Russia and the United States made a deal.

Gaeton Fonzi wrote: "If the actions of President John F. Kennedy at the Bay of Pigs first raised doubts in the minds of Cuban exiles about the sincerity of the President and his determination to bring about the fall of Fidel Castro, his handling of the missile crisis confirmed those doubts. President Kennedy's agreement with Khrushchev was termed a violation of the pledge he had made three days after the Bay of Pigs invasion that the United States would never abandon Cuba to Communism. The bitterness of the anti-Castro exiles was exacerbated by the actions of the U.S. Government to implement the President's 'no invasion' pledge. Suddenly, there was a crackdown on the very training camps and guerrilla bases that had been originally established and funded by the United States, and the exile raids - which once had the Government's 'green light' - were now disavowed and condemned. The feeling of betrayal by the Cuban exiles was given reinforcement by prominent sympathizers outside their community...NIXON urged an end to what he called the 'quarantine' of Cuban exiles."

An undated document that originated with the CIA: "Subjects: Handwritten notes under heading 'General' Subject: Assassination; 'No-Invasion Pledge' CIA. Author unknown - date and place unknown." The text of the document:

General

-- Extent to which CIA picks up on loose language.

-- To what extent was the assassination fork contemplated, discussed etc?

Would "no-invasion pledge" leave U.S. in a position where assassination is a viable alternative because overt sabotage / invasion is estopped?

Extent of expectation by SG (a) that CIA will report in detail on any covert ass against Castro? E.G. any assassination planning would require reporting? [SSCIA 157-10007-10312]

During his deposition in HUNT v. ajweberman, HUNT made a vague reference to a secret agreement: "Well, I can speculate that the alleged Kennedy-Khrushchev agreements, if they ever existed, might be detrimental at this phase in the American policy; but, then, nobody seems to know if it was undertaken, or who was made to pay for it, Other than that, I know nothing."

HEMMING claimed that during 1962 he had obtained information on Soviet missiles in Cuba prior to, during and after the Cuban Missile Crisis of October 1962 which he furnished to then-Governor of Florida Farris Bryant and to the Office of Navel Intelligence in "reference to my liaison with certain Marine Corps and Naval Aviation officers involved in Cuban overflights, during the missile crisis." [HEMMING ONI Appeal 12.22.76] After the Cuban missile crisis, HEMMING appeared on Allen Courtney's radio program, and spoke openly about his activities training anti-Castro soldiers in the Keys. HEMMING told this researcher: "Courtney was a mean man who became our friend. He didn't believe the government would put people in jail who were really trying to fight communists." When Justice Department officials received news of this broadcast, they ordered another investigation of INTERPEN. HEMMING told this researcher: "There were some people who considered the whole Kennedy scenario treasonous. You have the Civil Rights Movement, you've got all this unrest that's going on. The Cuban missile crisis was considered a sell out, and then he's letting the niggers have the country? Treason. Many people, had they the connections, would have put money out. The only reason they didn't, was that they didn't have the connections. Maybe I was abrupt with people. Maybe my bedside manner wasn't that good, A.J. But I was kind of pissed off, especially after the Bay of Pigs. Some of my guys got wiped out down there, they were assets, the fucking company authorized these fucking people to be blown. I was demoralized that the greatest fucking power on the fucking planet couldn't pull off a simple fucking operation. After the Cuban missile crisis, nobody was doing a fucking thing. Jesus Christ, the fucking war is over? What the fuck is going on here? What the fuck is going on here? Have they given up? Tremendous demoralization was occurring. After the Cuban missile crisis Bobby Kennedy decided to join the fuckin' pack and say 'Everyone out of Cuba' to avoid further confrontations. They were scared shitless. They thought it was the end of the world. The team started forming after the Cuban missile crisis. That's when everything started. That's my best information. OSWALD shows up December 7, 1962."

On November 13, 1962, the CIA advised the FBI that it had "no operational interest in INTERPEN or in any individuals belonging to it." [FBI 2-1693-67] On November 19, 1962, the FBI in Miami, Florida, generated a document on INTERPEN.

U.S. Customs Agent Wallace Shanley returned to the No Name Key camp in October 1962 and compiled a list of INTERPEN members. An FBI informant brought word: "INTERPEN plans to go to Cuba...to participate in guerrilla warfare and demolitions for a period of one to two weeks, and then steal any available boat and go to Cay Sal, Bahamas, where they can easily be rescued by the United States Coast Guard." The FBI: "(Deleted) advised on December 2, 1962, that a 35 foot Chriscraft motor boat, "The Sally" rented in Miami on December 2, 1962, is being taken to Edward Germain's Docks, Marathon, Key, Florida. HEMMING and 13 of his American associates, none of them Cubans, plan to leave Marathon, Florida, night of December 3, 1962, for military expedition against Cuba. On December 3, 1962, a FBI Letterhead Memorandum was generated about HEMMING, however it was still withheld. [FBI 2-1693-71] On December 4, 1962, Miami U.S. Customs Agents Wallace Shanley and Cesar Diosdado arrested 13 INTERPEN members at No Name Key. The charges were: Conspiracy to violate the Neutrality Act and Possession of Arms, Ammunition and Implements of War and Conspiracy to Illegally Export Articles of War. Shanley would testify that Customs had been investigating the training camp for months. The raid netted HEMMING, Ronald Ponce De Leon, William Johnson Dempsey, William Houston Seymour, Edmund Kolby, James A. Lewis and Eleno Oviedo Alvares, HARGRAVES, Edwin A. Collins, Steve Justin Wilson, Lawrence Henry Howard, James Cavendish Garmen, and Remidio Arce.

HEMMING told this researcher in 1994: "Lewis died in 1970 on a treasure hunt at Eggemont Key, Tampa, Florida. He had discovered gold coins while doing underwater construction work. The stuff had no coral cover, and still glinted. They thought he stole someone's collection. The Internal Revenue Service got wind of the thing. Lewis got a re-breather, he went down by himself to get some coins, and he died."

Dom Bonafede wrote an account for the Miami Herald entitled "U.S. Nabs Anti-Castro Fighters - Why?" which read in part: "The existence of the group has been known for the last several months by Federal officials. But until their arrest, cadré members had not been interfered with by U.S. Agents. Cuban exile leaders speculated that the crackdown indicates a stiffened U.S. policy toward the anti-Castro resistance forces operating in Florida." [12.5.62] Miami Attorney Charles Ashmann secured the group's release. On December 4, 1962, Deputy Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach called the FBI and asked whether "there was any CIA or other government involvement" with INTERPEN. On December 5, 1962, the CIA decided to investigate: "Lets have (deleted) look into those arrested to determine if any connection with (deleted)." On December 7, 1962, (Deleted), CI Support Desk, OS/OSD/SD/4 generated this Memorandum for the Record the Subject of which was Cuban Underground Activities in Florida (Anti-Castro) #EE-29 229:

"On December 6, 1962, discussed with Deleted regarding the 13 men seized in Florida. According to Deleted the Agency has no connection with the men who were arrested. He did say that the OO representative in Los Angeles had submitted a PHS on HEMMING. As far as Deleted was concerned they have had no contact with this group at all.

"Deleted was asked where the group would have gotten their support and funds. Deleted stated that they obtained their money jumping from parachutes, 'passing the hat around,' writing bad checks, etc. (In a name check run in the (Deleted) indices, a (Deleted).

"Deleted also stated on December 6, 1962, that there was no connection between this group and the Agency.

"In a name check in the (Deleted) indices, there was only the attached information on GERALD PATRICK HEMMING and a (Deleted) probably (Deleted). All other names in the Washington Post article dated December 5, 1962 were 'no record.' Attachment, Indices check on HEMMING and (Deleted). [Document 60 from CIA file given HEMMING by CIA under FOIA] On December 11, 1962, the FBI in Puerto Rico generated a document "Junta Revolutionaria Cubana" (JURE) that concerned HEMMING. [NARA 1993.07.30.15:08:21:090028] On December 6, 1962, the FBI in Miami generated a document about INTERPEN.

In December 1962 the Bay of Pigs Brigade prisoners were released in return for a $53 million ransom in medical supplies. The final formation of Brigade 2506 took place at the Orange Bowl Stadium in Miami on December 29, 1962. President Kennedy was there to welcome back the surviving members, who had spent almost 20 months in the prisons of Fidel Castro. The President accepted the Brigade's flag and declared: "I assure you this flag will be returned to this Brigade in a free Havana." Gaeton Fonzi: "HUNT, once assigned liaison duties with the Brigade, claimed later that the Brigade feeling against Kennedy was so great that the presentation of the flag nearly did not take place."

STURGIS: "I've taken Presidents of foreign countries to speak to our President, that was John F. Kennedy, and there are records of it...Now, I met President Kennedy. I took President Carlos Prio of Cuba to speak with Kennedy. President Prio is a good friend of mine. I go to President Prio's home...it would have been very easy to take out the President. As a matter of fact, on the second floor of the hotel, they set up a reception for 200 people and I and ex-President of Cuba, Carlos Prio were part of the 200 people who spoke to President Kennedy. As a matter of fact, it was very easy for me to take President Prio through the security set-up that was around the President. There was no problem in taking President Carlos Prio and myself to see the President...I made arrangements for Prio with telephone calls to D.C." [Combination of STURGIS' Depo in HUNT v. ajweberman and Canfield interview] STURGIS told Robert Olsen of the Rockefeller Commission: "Carlos Prio former President of Cuba (overthrown by Batista) was introduced to JFK by STURGIS at Fountainbleu Hotel in Miami Beach."

On April 29, 1962, The New York Times that the feeling that United States Government was moving toward some form of co-existence with the Castro regime was growing among Cuban exiles in Miami. Pedro Diaz Lanz said that "co-existence is already here." He said that not a single supply boat for the Cuban underground had been able to evade the United States authorities for many months and the Cuban underground in Cuba was without any help or support from the exiles in the United States. Lanz felt the orders to do this came "directly from Washington." Sometime in 1962 Task Force W's William Harvey generated a document that connected STURGIS to William Johnson in a 1961 smuggling indictment.

In June, July, September, and October 1962, STURGIS was overheard on an FBI electronic bug planted in a Miami bail bondsman's office. On October 14, 1972, the FBI reviewed its ELSUR files in connection with STURGIS: "Information regarding STURGIS is set out below. (Deleted) FRANK ANTHONY STURGIS aka FRANK ANGELO FIORINI, FBI Number 948 362C. (Deleted) b) No electronic surveillance was conducted on any premises of which STURGIS was the owner, lessee or licensee. c) Electronic eavesdropping device. d) No trespass. (Deleted) The above three communications were also disseminated to the Jacksonville, New York, Tampa and Washington Field Offices. These four offices have been requested by teletype to advice of any further dissemination on their part. (Deleted) Miami electronic indices negative under known additional aliases of FIORINI, namely Edward J. Hamilton, Joseph Di Alberto and Joseph D'Alberto." HEMMING told this researcher the Miami bail bondsman was Ed Stanton. On June 12, 1962, the Security Branch Chief of the Miami CIA Station received a call from the FBI: "(Deleted) wanted to know if FRANK STURGIS was one of our people. He indicated that FRANK STURGIS was believed to be involved in some type of operation which was to drop leaflets and also to have a bombing raid on Cuba. The writer was advised by (deleted) that as far as they knew, the Subject was not one of our people. There were, however, a number of cards in his name. (Deleted) was called by the writer and advised that as far as the writer could ascertain, Subject was not being used by us." The FBI asked the CIA to keep it apprised of the activities of STURGIS. [CIA FOIA 19156] On June 13, 1962, STURGIS was the subject of a FBI reported entitled "Pro Gobierno Constitutucional de Cuba." On June 15, 1962 he was the Subject of a Miami FBI Report - "Neutrality Matters." This highly deleted FBI document stated in part: "Customs representative, Miami, advised that Subject in May 1962 contacted Alex Rorke, New York newspaperman who has been associated with STURGIS in Cuban revolutionary activities in the past, and told him he had about 40 boats in the South Florida area ready for military action against Cuba. Reportedly Rorke has formed organization in New York area to raise funds for (Deleted) has allegedly engaged in this activity.' [FBI 2-1499-93] The CIA reported that on June 21, 1962, STURGIS delivered an unknown quantity of weapons to Pedro Diaz Lanz. On June 23, 1962 Pedro Diaz Lanz was observed at the wheel of the boat, Q-USA heading in a southeasterly direction of Key Biscayne. On June 28, 1962, the Washington Headquarters of the FBI cranked out a report on STURGIS that was classified SECRET. On June 28, 1962, Inspector (Deleted) U.S. Border Patrol, advised that William Johnson had returned to Miami Yacht Rentals on that date and was making arrangements to lease a 36' foot Chris-Craft vessel known as the Miss B. That night the U.S. Customs Service searched the Miss B at a dock in front of a residence at 1985 North Hibiscus Drive, but only turned up anti-Castro leaflets. The FBI reported: "On June 30, 1962, (Deleted) advised that on that morning the North Miami Police Department observed a 1958 Cadillac four-door sedan, white over turquoise, bearing 1962 Florida License 1WW 647, to arrive in front of the residence at 1985 North Hibiscus Drive, Keystone Point, North Miami, Florida. It is noted previous investigation has disclosed that this automobile is registered to FRANK FIORINI, which is the true name of FRANK STURGIS. Within the automobile, among other things, was found three 11 lb. cans of Mallinckrodt phosphorous." Customs seized the phosphorous and STURGIS's car but no charges were filed. "On June 30, 1962, (Deleted) said he received a telephone call from an individual who identified himself as GERRY PATRICK HEMMING and asked what happened to STURGIS. (Deleted) told him that STURGIS' automobile had been seized that morning. HEMMING expressed surprise and stated STURGIS had been trying to borrow his automobile that morning and HEMMING was of the opinion that STURGIS was 'trying to pull a fast one on me.' HEMMING did not give any additional information to (Deleted)."

On July 3, 1962, STURGIS claimed that 20 of his men had landed in Cuba "to support and extend anti-Castro uprisings in the Matanzas Province of Cuba." [FBI 2-14999-99 mostly w/h] STURGIS was picked up by the Miami Police Department for questioning. [The Miami Herald 7.3.62] On August 15, 1962, STURGIS was the Subject of an FBI Report at Miami that was classified SECRET. The document was highly deleted: "(Deleted) FIORINI, according to newspaper reports at Miami on July 3, 1962, claimed that 20 trained, Cuban guerillas had made a successful landing by boat in Cuba's Matanzas Province. FIORINI claimed the landing of these men had been effected from a 40 foot boat. (Pages deleted) On July 5, 1962, (Deleted) United States Customs, Miami, Florida, advised that on July 1, 1962, a firm known as Hampton Roads Salvage Company of Florida had applied for and been granted approval to change the classification of a vessel from pleasure to commercial use. (Deleted) said this boat is named the Q-USA...According to the boat registration certificate the vessel is to be used in connection with commercial fishing." [FBI 2-1499-104] On July 5, 1962, STURGIS was the subject of an FBI Report at Miami. This highly deleted report stated that William Johnson had rented a 20 foot Chris Craft vessel on June 21, 1962. [FBI 2-1499-102] On July 13, 1962, a document was generated about STURGIS by the FBI that was illegible. On July 15, 1962, (?) the Director of the FBI sent USAAG J. Walter Yeagley a highly deleted memo: "(Deleted) In view of this and since the Border Patrol in Miami is also conducting investigation in this matter, we are not conducting an investigation of the Subject's activities..." [No Serial - Xerox of carbon] On July 21, 1962 U.S. Customs seized 100,000 of STURGIS' anti-Castro leaflets plus his Cadillac. [Miami Herald 7.22.62] William Johnson commented: "FIORINI had a Cadillac - this didn't sit well with the other troops. He and the stripper he was living with had tremendous fights over who would use the Cadillac. Cubans resented the Cadillac as they felt he should have given his all for the revolution." On July 24, 1962, the CIA received information that STURGIS was planning his next Cuban overflight for July 26, 1962. The fairly reliable CIA source stated: "Subject and Diaz-Lanz are being financially backed by a group of North Americans." [CIA FOIA #2-1499-103] Also in July 1962, there was information that William Johnson rented a yacht for anti-Castro activities. When the Border Patrol found and searched this vessel, it discovered a press release stating the International Anti-Communist Brigade had launched an air raid against Castro, which rained leaflets on Cuba advocating that anti-Castro elements within the country break up in small cells in order to carry out acts of sabotage. On July 31, 1962 STURGIS was the subject of an FBI Report entitled "Pro Gobierno Constitutucional de Cuba."

A CIA Index Card dated August 15, 1962, reported: "a twin engine plane dropped food, medicines and anti-Castro pamphlets into a remote area of western Cuba's Pinar Del Rio Province early yesterday it was reported today. The food, apparently intended for the enemies of Fidel Castro, was dropped at an unspecified spot. The leaflets fell on the village of Cortes, Las Martinas and El Campo. A fighter plane from the San Julian Air Base tried to intercept the invader but was unable to do so. The flight was arranged by a Cuban refugee group headed by STURGIS." On September 11, 1962, Counter-Intelligence received information on Alexander Rorke and STURGIS. [CIA CSCI 3/772,888]

September 27, 1962,

Report No. 11

Subject: Anti-Kennedy propaganda, edited and distributed by Pedro Diaz Lanz, Cuban exile leader in this area.

Source: Pedro Diaz Lanz

On Wednesday, September 17, 1962, I was visited by Pedro Diaz Lanz, who gave me the included mimeographed sheet. This paper is in tone with the constant conversation of Diaz Lanz, to the effect that Kennedy and most of his administration are communists, and are betraying Cuba and the Cubans, as well as the citizens of the United States. This paper was shown to FRANK FIORINI, who told me that Diaz Lanz had edited it.

Comments: From previous conversations held with Lanz, I noticed certain similarities in phraseology, that coincided with the general tenor of a conversation held with Rorke a month ago. I asked him if he had spoken to Diaz Lanz, as they both sounded the same. He admitted he had. It is believed that Rorke has influence with Diaz Lanz in this matter. B.

The rest of this document was deleted, however, the word "Cord" is handwritten above the date of the document. Was this Cord Meyer? [CIA 00078] HEMMING: "Meyer was a bitter, one-eyed, asshole. He knew Rorke." On December 26, 1962, STURGIS was the Subject of an FBI Report, Subject: (Deleted) at Miami classified SECRET. [FBI Filed 105-6466]

END OF NODULE.